British Aid to Belarus Dictatorship

 
British aid money has been given by the European Union to help the security forces
of the last dictatorship in Europe.

Funds intended to help the world’s neediest have been spent on providing training and equipment to the police force and border guards of Belarus, an autocracy run along Soviet lines. The aid, supplied by the European Union’s EuropeAid programme, to which Britain’s Department for International Development (DfID) is a major donor, came despite violent action against the pro-democracy opposition.

The Foreign Office has expressed grave concern at the imprisonment and abuse of dissidents and also at the use of the death penalty, while an EU arms embargo has been put in place. However, the EU increased aid payments to Belarus to more than £32 million last year, including millions of pounds on projects to reinforce the country’s western borders.

The European Commission said the aid would curb people trafficking and drug smuggling, but dissidents claimed the equipment has been used to prevent the regime’s opponents fleeing.

Labour said the aid to Belarus was unjustifiable and urged ministers to raise it with the commission.
David Cameron is committed to spending 0.7 per cent of GDP on foreign aid, but Britain has direct control over only part of the budget, with more than 40 per cent distributed through third parties.

The EuropeAid programme receives £1 billion from DfID. The Brussels scheme has in turn spent £68 million since 2007 in Belarus, under the “neighbourhoods policy” designed to promote democracy in countries bordering or near the EU, and prevent illegal migration to the EU.

Procurement documents show Belarus has been bought equipment including motorcycles, patrol boats, swamp vehicles and thermal imaging cameras for border guards.

The list included £279,000 to buy and house guard dogs, £8.4 million on mobile X-ray machines and cameras to inspect cars crossing the borders, and £6.7  million on a computerized criminal records database and portable equipment to check biometric data.

The aid agency trained border guards in “document integrity, detection of forgeries and impostor recognition” and spent millions to clear the border strip and install new checkpoints, telephones and CCTV networks.

Human rights monitors are severely critical of Belarus, which has been ruled by Alexander Lukashenko, the so called president, since 1994. He has retained the KGB and other Soviet-era ministries, is accused of running death squads for political opponents and has named his son Kolya, nine, who carries a golden handgun, as his “heir”. He said last year: 
“I am the last and only dictator in Europe.”

Presidential elections in December 2010 were declared “fraudulent” by the American Senate, while the US and Europe have placed a travel ban and asset freeze on some regime officials.

Natalia Kaliada, director of the underground Belarus Free Theatre, accused Brussels of propping up the regime, which does not want its critics free to campaign.“With such equipment they would block all possibilities of escape completely. It would be a completely isolated country,” she said.

Jim Murphy, the Labour shadow development secretary, said there was no justification for aid to go to Belarus and called on ministers to take it up with the European Commission. “Aid is vital to help alleviate poverty and to support UK national security and economic interests. It should not support regimes in countries of concern with alarming human rights records,” he said. “Ministers must now urgently raise this matter with the European Commission to ensure no UK taxpayers’ money is being spent in ways which undermine our national interests or values.”

Sir Menzies Campbell, the former Liberal Democrat leader who sits on the Foreign Affairs Select Committee, said: “Before financing equipment of this kind you have to assess the balance of risks of illegal breaches of the border against the reality of an unpleasant regime which cares very little for the human rights of its citizens. “If there is a suggestion that this equipment is being exploited we should think very carefully about continuing to provide it.”

DfID said its ministers were aware of the aid to Belarus and supported Europe’s policy of “critical engagement” with the regime. A spokesman for the European Commission said: “EU support for Belarus is all about promoting democracy and human rights and where necessary pushing the Belarusian authorities hard, whilst supporting civil society that seeks to hold them to account.”

Matthew Holehouse, The Telegraph.

Andrey Sannikov: Moscow Wants Europeans to Finance Dictator Lukashenko Too

Russia cannot support the dictatorial regime in Belarus any more.

Andrei Sannikov, the leader of the civil campaign European Belarus, said it in an interview with Rzeczpospolita (Poland).

– Aliaksandr Lukashenko will soon mark the 20th anniversary of his rule in Belarus. None dictators in Europe managed to hold the power that long. How is he doing this?

This is the result of a series of accidents: failures of the Belarusian opposition and the stance of the United States, the European Union and Poland. We didn't realize the threat of Lukashenko in the beginning. In 1994, people voted more against the reviving communist nomenclature that led the country to stagnation rather than for him. He was a populist, but he represented a kind of an alternative. The first dangerous signal was one year later, when an illegal referendum to change the state flag and coat of arms was held. The Russian language was then set as the second state language, and the president receives additional powers. We, the opposition, missed this moment. We were thinking: The changes are temporary because the election will be held soon; Lukashenka will lose the election and we will cancel the changes. But it wasn't a fair election. Charismatic opposition leaders that could have won easily – Henadz Karpenka, Yury Zakharanka and Viktar Hanchar – were killed.

– What is the blame of the European Union and the US?

The EU reacted to the suppression of democracy by freezing relations with Belarus. It was a half-measure. Brussels failed to propose a united policy and returned to the illusion that Lukashenka would change. The scheme of the alternate freezing and improving relations was created. It was later repeated several times, when Lukashenka tightened screws in 2000 and 2010. Most European capitals had been looking at Belarus through Moscow's prism for many years. I mean in particular Gerhard Schröder and the German Social Democrats first of all. It was a great mistake, because Europe could have influenced the development of democracy in Belarus more efficiently than in Russia and Ukraine because our country is far less. At the same time, our strategic location allows us to influence the evolution in Russia and Ukraine. Nothing strange that these countries are moving to Lukashenko's authoritarian model today. Speaking about America, Barack Obama is little interested in our region.

– Why are you so sure that the EU's firm policy towards Lukashenka can help the opposition?

Let me give you two examples. When Europe reacted to crimes of the regime in 1999, killings of activists were stopped. In 2011, Zmitser Bandarenka and I were released from jail due to the EU's stance. When Europe's position softened, some opposition members, such as Mikalai Statkevich, remained in prison.

– Did Poland made the same mistake as the EU did?

Poland can play the same role for Belarus that Ronald Reagan played for Poland in the 1980s. Nevertheless, Warsaw failed to propose a consistent strategy on its eastern neighbour. It was clear until 2004: All country's efforts were focused on the integration into Euro-Atlantic institutions. But later, Poland should have taken more decisive steps to help the elimination of the dictatorship on its eastern border. Only the problem of the Polish ethnic minority [in Belarus] was able to involve the Polish MFA into Belarusian issue. Later we saw a reaction to the elimination of opposition by Lukashenko in 2010. But these were single actions without a clear strategy. Unfortunately, they have already ended.

– Radoslaw Sikorski made a rather risky attempt to meet Lukashenka halfway in exchange for liberalisation of the dictatorship. This concept failed, but it was a kind of a strategy.

It wasn't the idea of Radoslaw Sikorski. It was a tendency of the EU. Belarusian opposition warned about it. We warned that Lukashenka would use the “thaw” to further strengthen the dictatorship and the total control system. The Belarusian police have more than 150,000 personnel. Proportionally, this is more than in Russia. Lukashenka boasts that 12,000 people work for the KGB. He learns the experience of the Orange Revolution and the Arab Spring. For example, the control over the media in Belarus is stricter than that in Egypt and Tunisia. There are no mass rallies that wouldn't be controlled by planted secret agents.

– The concept of negotiations with Lukashenka on democratic changes wasn't perhaps so naïve: This model led to the collapse of the communist dictatorship in Poland and other countries of the Eastern Bloc.

- There is a significant difference between today's Belarus and Poland 25 years ago: Lukashenka is not a Belarusian dictator. He is a dictator in Belarus. He doesn't feel any ties with people. He doesn't care about their interests. He is obsessed with power. That's the reason why he and democratic opposition have no meeting points that could be a basis for an agreement. Jaruzelski was a different matter: not the USSR or the Eastern Bloc, but Poland was the centre of the world for him.

– Wouldn't it be so that the EU's firm policy towards Lukashenka will push Belarus to Russia?

This argument, invented by the KGB in Minsk, was successfully spread in Europe through embassies in Belarus. Russia's real interests hardly lie in the takeover of Belarus and strengthening its image of a country conducting an aggressive foreign policy. Even the Soviet Union had to accept the independence of Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia under international pressure in the late 1980, thought they were harder times than we have today. Vladimir Putin will have to modernise Russia. He cannot afford spending 10 billion dollar per year to support Lukashenka's regime without any profit. The EU's attempts to improve relations with Minsk, that we are observing again, are profitable for the Kremlin: They make the dictator ask for less Russian money. Lukashenko uses aid from Brussels against us, the opposition.

– The Belarusian opposition is not innocent too. Why didn't you unite around a single candidate, like Solidarity around Lech Walesa?

I supported the single opposition candidate at the elections in 2001 and 2006, but it turned out that they were strictly controlled by the regime. All our plans leaked to the KGB and got disrupted. The situation was different in 2010: nine candidates ran against Lukashenka, some of them were appointed by the regime, but the others not. It mobilised people and gave them hopes for changes that people still have in spite of the repression.
Another reason for difficulties in uniting opposition in Belarus is that, unlike Ukraine and Georgia, we don't have oligarchs who don't depend on the authorities and can support alternative politicians. Lukashenka reacts immediately to any contacts with the opposition.

– Does Belarus have any chances of joining the EU one day?

It certainly has. If democratic changes start, it will happen sooner than one can imagine. Support of Lukashenko is falling drastically, because the crisis of 2010-2011 showed that he is no longer able to offer necessary living conditions to people.

Fascism is on the Rise in Belarus - in the Heart of Europe

Minsk, Belarus

On February 9, 2011 in Minsk, Belarus dictator Lukashenko has awarded five chief policemen for beating badly peaceful protesters on December 19, 2010. Five members of the Minsk militia were presented with the letters of appreciation with his signature. These letters were awarded to Colonel Igor Evseev, colonel Alexander Lukomskiy, colonel Victor Skurat, major Sergey Ivanov and Roman Kadin.

"At this crucial historical period, it is very important for me to lean on support of people like you - a true patriots, caring and loyal with warm hearts. Thank you for civic courage and active position in life "- says the message of the dictator in the letters of appreciation.

Meantime the Case of the Mass Protests in Minsk on December 19, 2010 (Bloody Sunday, as they call this day in Belarus) continues to grow as a snowball. On the list of defendants already 43 people, including seven ex-presidential candidates. Three former contestants - Andrey Sannikov, Aleksei Mikhalevich and Nikolai Statkevich still under arrest in KGB prison. Searches and arrests in Belarus continue every day. KGB investigators had already visited many opposition activists several times.

Human rights activists have told of torture and violence against opposition. On February 9th, 2011 Experts of the International Observation Mission Committee of International Control Over Human Rights situation in Belarus announced the results of the evidence-research conducted on the basis of information received from 205 people in Minsk from January 3rd to January 21st, 2011. The study analyzed 205 questionnaires answered by respondents who have been detained in the course of public action on the night of 19th to 20th of December 2010. Respondents' age from 18 to 61 years, 43 of them - women, 162 - men.

Experts assert with confidence that "the officials used violence and brutality in detentions. Violence has been applied to every fourth detainee and the acts of violence were accompanied by insults and humiliation of detainees. " It should be noted that most detainees were not resisting arrests, showing willingness to comply with the procedure of the arrest by policemen. At the same time representatives of the authorities in every sixth case of participation in the arrest did not have badges, and their faces were concealed under black masks.

Violation of judicial proceedings in administrative cases of detainees can be considered mainstream. Almost all so-called trials lasted an average of 5 to 15 minutes, while most of the detainees have never had a chance to defend themselves.

Judges conducted trials with many serious procedural violations under close doors. Lawyers hired by detainees' families were not admitted to the trials along with family members, journalists and the public. Judges refused to examine witnesses for the defense, and did not provide detainees with the explanation of the procedure to appeal their decisions.

Conditions of administrative detainees in all institutions, where they were, in many cases can be considered derogatory to human dignity. The cells were overcrowded, they were cold, ventilation was weak, the lighting was poor, and the amount of beds, bed linen and toiletries was not adequate. Drinking water was not provided, the quality of food was very low, the use of shower and exercise yards has been severely restricted and insufficient to maintain a normal lifestyle, and restrooms were poorly equipped in terms of privacy. Detention staff was very rude and partially plundered transmissions sent to detainees.

The general conclusion on the facts and the analysis can be summarized as follows: Authority of the Republic of Belarus were not ready for such mass actions of protest and failed to secure the rights and freedoms of people of the Republic of Belarus at the time of detention, during the trial and at keeping them in prison.

Searches and arrests in Belarus continue every day. KGB investigators had already visited many opposition activists several times.

European Union denied entry to 158 high-ranking Belarusian officials, including illegitimate president Lukashenko and his two sons - Viktor and Dmitry. But many international experts were disappointed: Europe did not introduce economic sanctions. U.S. will try to convince the EU to introduce against the Lukashenko regime and economic sanctions. Washington convinced that the dictator and the people around him earn huge money in oil companies deals.

In terms of the EU visa ban, the new register covers illegitimate president Aleksander Lukashenko and his two adult sons: Dmitriy and Viktor. Thirty-year-old Dmitriy is said in the EU documents to have "active participation in financial operations involving the Lukashenko family." He also runs the Presidential Sports Club.

What is interesting is that Yuriy Sivakov, a man suspected of mass-scale money laundering for so called president Alexander Lukashenko, has been quietly left out of a EU asset-freeze on the Belarusian nomenclature as Andrew Rettman mentioned in his article in EuroObserver.

According to Mr. Rettman "The Russian-born 64-year-old, a former Belarusian interior minister, appeared on the EU radar in 2004 when a Council of Europe investigation said he was part of a "death squad" (together with another former official Dmitriy Pavlichenko) that murdered four dissidents. He no longer holds office. But a leaked US cable from 2007 reports that in 2006 he ran a company called Chyest which laundered $1.5 million a day of bribery and extortion money via banks in Poland, Russia and the US on behalf of the Lukashenko´s family."

Dictator Lukashenko has studiously pretended that no sanctions undermine his authority and threatened to retaliate. On February 7th, 2011 the dictator took a short-term one week vacation and went to Sochi - a city-resort in southern Russia.

However, even official statistics have to admit that 2010 was the worst in economic history of Belarus from the perspective of the trade deficit. The trade deficit for 2010 amounted to 9 billion 642.3 million dollars (in 2009 it was $7 billion 264.8 million).

At the end of this article I would like to remind my readers that On October 6, 2004 US Congress passed the Belarus Democracy Act of 2004 (H.R. 854)  sponsored by Representative Chris Smith (R-NJ) and others, to fund a broad range of measures to support democracy in Belarus. Although this is a beginning, the executive branch and Congress need to do more. Specifically, they should:

1. - Denounce publicly Lukashenko's violations of the constitution and electoral procedures, and the State Department should amplify its criticism of Belarus' flawed political system.

2. - Declare, with the EU, that the referendum, parliamentary and presidential elections are illegitimate if observers from the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe find election falsification or other violations.

3. - Use domestic and international law enforcement agencies, such as Interpol, in cooperation with EU members, to coordinate criminal investigations into homicides, money laundering, and illegal arms trading linked to the Lukashenko´s regime.

4. - Investigate the disappearances of Lukashenko's political opponents, provided there is a jurisdictional nexus to the U.S. and/or Europe. Both the U.S. Justice Department and its European counterparts can do so. Moreover, Europe and the U.S. could initiate criminal proceedings against those in the president's circle who ordered and participated in the murder of opposition politicians and journalists.

5. - Seize assets of Lukashenka and his inner circle through criminal proceedings against illegal arms sales and money laundering operations if Belarus violated U.S. or international sanctions. The U.S. and EU would be entitled to enforce such sanctions even if the violations did not occur in America or Europe.

6. - Fund, together with the EU, an international broadcasting operation by opposition radio and television stations from countries around Belarus, and expand people-to-people and educational exchanges.

7. - Consult with Russia regarding possible political changes that would make Belarus more democratic and predictable. Such a coordinated effort would benefit Russia by making the transit route for Russian gas to Europe less prone to Lukashenko's interference and would eliminate the need for Russia to support the Belarusian economy with subsidized natural gas at a cost of over $2 billion per year.

Almost SEVEN(!) years have passed since the Belarus Democracy Act of 2004 was adopted and stayed only on paper with NO or little actions. 

Meantime fascism is rising steadily in Belarus in the heart of Europe.

We demand truth and freedom!

A Peaceful Mass Protest Was Transformed to Mass Riot Criminal Cases By Dictator Lukashenko & His Gang

Minsk, Belarus

The reason of the crackdown on the opposition leaders, activists and journalists was a peaceful mass protest rally on December 19, 2010 in Minsk. Belarusian citizens were outraged by the shocking fraud in the presidential election, with the help of which the Belarusian dictator Lukashenko tried to stay in power. [http://www.americanchronicle.com/articles/view/206250] [http://www.americanchronicle.com/articles/view/208071]

It has been informed by "Viasna" (Spring) Human Rights Center that as of December 30th, 2010, 26 people have been joined to the officially so-called "mass riots" (or peaceful mass protest) criminal case in Minsk, Belarus.

23 out of them are kept in the KGB detention center, Gregory Kostusev and Dmitriy Uss have given a written undertaking to leave the place, Nikita Likhavid is to be taken from Zhodzino prison to the KGB detention center in the nearest time. The last on the list of suspects is Andrey Fedarkevich, who had been arrested for 10 days of administrative arrest and served the sentence in the temporary detention facility in Zhodzino, then was transferred to the KGB detention facility in Minsk. KGB officers are searching for Nikita Krasnov. A search was held in his apartment on December 27. In the search warrant it was written that the young activist was also "a suspect."

Almost nothing is known about the prisoners of the KGB jail. Lawyers have signed non-disclosure obligations. But even without that one can guess that rights of the arrested are violated. A lawyer of Uladimir Neklyaev, a presidential candidate, was allowed to visit him only after a week. Before that there was no information about whereabouts and state of health of the poet. Nothing is known about the state of health of Andrey Sannikov, a presidential candidate. He had been brutally beaten up, his leg was injured. Natallia Radzina, an editor of charter97.org, did not get any medical assistance. As the lawyer of the journalist informed, "She is still bleeding from her ears" from police beating.

On December 29 charges are to be brought against most suspects. The list of suspects in the "Mass riots" criminal case opened under Article 293 Parts 1 and 2 of the Criminal Code of Belarus [A note: Article 293. Mass riots. Part 1. Organizing of mass riots accompanied by violence against persons, pogroms, arsons, destruction of property, armed resistance to representatives of authorities, - is punished by deprivation of liberty for a term from 5 to 15 years. Part 2. Participation in mass riots, consisting in immediate participation in actions mentioned in the first part of this article is punished by deprivation of liberty for a term from 3 to 8 years.]:

1. Andrey Sannikov - a presidential candidate
2. Uladimir Neklyaev - a presidential candidate

3. Gregory Kostusev - a presidential candidate (under a written undertaking not to leave the place)

4. Aleksandr Atroshchenkov - a press-secretary of Andrey Sannikov´s campaign headquarters

5. Aleksey Mikhalevich - a presidential candidate

6. Vitaliy Rymashevskiy - a presidential candidate

7. Pavel Severinetz - an electioneering agent of the candidate Vitaliy Rymashevskiy

8. Dmitriy Bandarenko - a coordinator of "European Belarus" civil campaign

9. Irina Khalip - a journalist, Andrey Sannikov´s wife

10. Natallia Radzina - a journalist, an editor of charter97.org website

11. Anatoliy Lebedko - the chair of the United Civil Party

12. Anastasiya Palazhanko - a deputy chairperson of the "Young Front"

13. Andrey Dmitriev -Uladimir Neklyaev´s campaign manager

14. Aleksandr Feduta - a political analyst, one of coordinators of Uladimir Neklyaev´s election campaign team

15. Nikolay Statkevich - a presidential candidate

16. Aleksandr Klaskovskiy- a former police officer

17. Uladimir Kobets - a campaign manager of Andrey Sannikov

18. Dmitriy Uss - a presidential candidate (under a written undertaking not to leave the place)

19. Sergei Vaznyak - Uladimir Neklyaev´s electioneering agent

20. Oleg Korban - one of the leaders of the UCP youth organization, "Young Democrats"

21. Aleksandr Arastovich - Nikolai Statkevich´s electioneering agent

22. Anatoliy Pavlov - Yaroslav Ramanchuk´s electioneering agent

23. Sergei Martsalev - Nikolai Statkevich´s campaign manager

24. Dmitriy Novik - a participant of the protest rally on December 19

25. Nikita Likhovid - "For Freedom" movement activist, the decision to detain him for 15 days has been annulled. He is to be transferred from Zhodzina to the KGB detention center.

26. Andrey Fedorkevich - a participant of the protest rally on December 19, the decision to detain him for 10 days has been annulled. He has been transferred from Zhodzino to the KGB detention center.

Despite Christmas, Belarusian law-enforcement agencies keep raiding opposition offices and apartments of civil and political activists, adding to the increasing atmosphere of fear in the society. All over Belarus dozens of apartments and offices have been searched by the police and the KGB, including those of former presidential candidate Ales Mikhalevich´s wife, Charter ´97 editor Natallia Radzina´s mother, Iryna Khalip´s father and pro-democratic activist Viachaslav Sivchuk.

Lukashenko So Called President of Belarus is Illegitimate Since 1999 (Arguments & Facts)

Minsk, Belarus

On December 22nd, 2010 one of the former presidential candidates Gregory Kostusev submitted a complaint (on 32 pages) to the Central Election Commission of Belarus to recognize the results of the presidential elections in the Republic of Belarus on Dec. 19, 2010 null and void. On December 24th the CEC of Belarus rejected this complaint.

Here is a short version of this complaint:

To the Central Commission of Belarus for Elections and National Referendums

To the General Prosecutor of the Republic of Belarus

Copies: to OSCE / ODIHR Election Observation 2010, CIS Observation Mission]

APPLICANTS:

Candidate for the President of the Republic of Belarus Vladimir Neklyaev

Candidate for the President of the Republic of Belarus Gregory Kostusev

RATIONALE: on recognizing the election of the President of the Republic of Belarus 2010 null and void

Numerous documents attached to this complaint testify as the evidence of gross violations of Laws of the Republic of Belarus at all stages of the electoral process. These violations significantly influenced the preparation of presidential elections in Belarus, their conduct and the outcome of the vote.

The election campaign was held across Belarus with violations of national legislation and international standards - especially presidential elections did not meet the standards of the Copenhagen document of the CSCE (1990)

and the obligations of the Republic of Belarus in this field, which eventually led to a regular (2001, 2006) falsification of the results of the elections.

We are taking into account the time shortage for appeal (only during 3 days after December 19th, 2010) and the detention of the Candidate for the President of the Republic of Belarus Vladimir Neklyaev on December 19th along with six other presidential candidates.

At this time we present detailed, but incomplete analysis of the major violations of Belarusian Law, in connection with which the election of the President Republic of Belarus in 2010 are considered to be invalid.

1. USURPATION OF POWER BY MR. LUKASHENKO AND HIS GOVERNMENT AND WITHHOLDING OF POWER BY UNCONSTITUTIONAL MEANS. ILLEGAL PARTICIPATION OF MR. LUKASHENKO IN PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS 2010.

1.1. Trampling of the legislative framework of the electoral system of the Republic of Belarus by Mr. Lukashenko.

Finding Mr. Lukashenko in office till now without any restrictions made possible by the national referendum initiated and conducted by him and his government.

Referendums which established an unrestricted usurpation of power by Mr. Lukashenko were initiated and conducted in 1995, 1996 and 2004: in 1995 Belarussian historical (national) state symbols were replaced for the sake of the personal political and ideological principles of Mr. Lukashenko; in 1996 the main principle of separation of powers was abolished and without any elections his term in office was extended for two years; and in 2004 the constitutional limits on the tenure of the President of the Republic of Belarus were finally removed.

Due to the referendum of 1996, the results of which could only be recommended by law, the Constitution of the Republic of Belarus has been amended and changed, and the president's powers have been illegally additionally expanded and extended until 2001.

The appointment by Mr. Lukashenko of referendum 1995-1996 was based on his personal decrees and could be considered by international law as an usurpation of legislative power.

Special Commission of the Supreme Council of XIII-th Convocation on a legal assessment of violations by the President Lukashenko of the Constitution and Laws of the Republic Belarus, led by Viktar Hanchar
made a conclusion that his actions by holding a referendum in 1996 to change a Constitution was a CRIME, and according to the Article 61-1 of the Criminal Code (hereinafter - CC) of the Republic of Belarus (1960) was considered as "a conspiracy to seize the government". This parliamentary committee concluded that since July 20th, 1999, the presidency of Mr. Lukashenko lost its legitimacy.  

[Viktar Hanchar was a Belarusian politician  who disappeared in Minsk on September 16, 1999, along with his friend, the businessman Anatol Krasouski. Both of them were abducted and executed on the order of people close to president Lukashenko. Investigation of the disappearance of Hanchar and Krasouski is one of the basic charges of the Belarusian opposition, and is also mentioned in the documents of international organizations.]

The next step was the publication by Mr. Lukashenko on September 7, 2004, a decree № 431
"About the Purpose of the Referendum 2004." As a result of this referendum the illegal changes were made to the Constitution of the Republic of Belarus which lifted the restrictions on only two presidential terms at the office.

The referendum on Oct. 17, 2004 was carried out with gross violations of all norms of the electoral law and democratic principles, outlined in the Copenhagen Document, supported by the Republic of Belarus. The results of the referendum were not recognized by democratic community of Belarus and international organizations (Council of Europe, PACE, European Union, OSCE, etc.).

The results of the referendum 2004, held in clear violation of the Constitution and laws of the Republic of Belarus, should be null and void.

Actions of Mr. Lukashenko to initiate and conduct a referendum on removal of constitutional restrictions on staying in power for more than two terms fall under signs of crime, responsibility for which is provided in Part 3, Article 424, Article 357 and Part 2 of the Criminal Code (abuse of power with the purpose of unconstitutional holding).

In addition, the organization and conduct of referendum passed with egregious violations of the electoral and other laws of the Republic of Belarus.

Multiple belarussian citizens´ appeal to the prosecutor's office (in 2004, 2006 and subsequent years) with the demand to bring against Mr. Lukashenko criminal proceedings under Articles 357 and 424 of the Criminal Code were declined with no proper legal explanation.

On the eve of the elections 2006 discriminative legislative Benefits (Amendments to the Criminal Code, etc.) for the incumbent running for a new term were established. Shortly before the election campaign, Mr. Lukashenko legalized presidential decrees number 8, 11, 20, which tightened the legal framework for political parties, associations, creating limited opportunities for mass actions of opposition, mass protests.

In the legislative basis for the preparation and holding of presidential elections 2010 were made only such changes (amendments to the Electoral Code), which have left enduring legal framework for the system of rigged elections and the absolute dominance in the elections of only one candidate - the incumbent Mr. Lukashenko.

Thus, the seizure of state power, abuse of power and its retention in unconstitutional way still should be incriminated to Mr. Lukashenko. Since July 20th, 1999 Alexander Lukashenko is considered to be illegitimate president of Belarus.

1.2. Unlawful retention of power by illegitimate president Lukashenko is accompanied by methods of force and political repressions.

Mr. Lukashenko is suspected in involvement of political killings and disappearances in Belarus. In 1999-2000, his political opponents Yuriy Zakharenko, Victor Gonchar, Anatol Krasovski and Dmitriy Zavadski disappeared by force. In some documents of international organizations to these abductions, and perhaps, physical liquidation (executions without a trial) the involvement of Belarussian KGB (death squad) and higher officials of Belarus (V. Sheiman, J. Sivakov, Naumov, N. Vasilchenko, D. Pavlichenko, etc.) is documented.

The above actions for unlawful retention of power, are qualified according to the Part 3. of Article 357 of the Criminal Code (keeping state power by unconstitutional means, entailing the loss of life or associated with murder) and Article 128 of the Criminal Code (crimes against the security of mankind -the systematic abduction, followed by their disappearance, committed in connection with the political beliefs of the civilian population). According to the Article 128 there is no period of limitation for such crimes.

Mr. Lukashenko´s inaction and inability, as the head of state, to investigate the disappearances incur additional suspicions to his personal interest and, possibly, direct involvement in these disappearances.

In addition, in the Republic of Belarus in recent years a number of unjust (in the opinion of the public) criminal proceedings took place in the result of which the political opponents of Lukashenko, in particular Candidate for President of Aleksander Kozulin, were sentenced to various kinds of penalties, including imprisonment during the presidential elections of 2006.

Multiple belarussian citizens´ appeal to the prosecutor's office (in 2004, 2006 and subsequent years) with the demand to bring against Mr. Lukashenko criminal proceedings under the Article 128 of the Criminal Code were declined with no proper legal explanation.

Thus, Mr. Lukashenko who is holding state power illegally resorts to repressive measures against political opponents, and is suspected to be involved in violent disappearance of some of them.

1.3. Mr. Lukashenko and his subordinate officers are using illegal detention authorities to rigg the results of the elections in Belarus 2010.

After the last presidential election in 2006, Mr. Lukashenko, who illegally took up the post of President of the Republic of Belarus has repeatedly directly admitted that he had instructed to falsify the results of elections. Such statements of Mr. Lukashenko require thorough analysis and legal evaluation by the prosecution system of Belarus and international authorities, because they contain information about the crime.

In conclusion: All of the above suggests that Mr. Lukashenko who from July 20, 1999 is considered an illegitimate president of Belarus, usurp and retain power illegally, by lies, falsifications and repressions. The participation of Mr. Lukashenko in all previous presidential elections (except in 1994), and in the elections of 2010 is illegal.