Support Belarus’s Climb Out From Under Dictatorship!

By Andrei Sannikov, Published: December 26, 2013 in the Washington Post

Andrei Sannikov, leader of the European Belarus civic campaign, is a former presidential candidate and political prisoner in Belarus.

WARSAW

The world’s attention has recently been focused on the brave people of Ukraine, who have held large rallies in support of joining Europe rather than falling into the “embrace” of Russia. But it is also important to remember Ukraine’s northern neighbor Belarus, a country that lies geographically in the heart of Europe but politically is more akin to a Soviet backwater. The majority of its citizens want to be free, but they are repressed by a brutal dictator more ruthless and despotic than Ukrainian President Viktor Yanukovych and Russian President Vladi­mir Putin combined.

As a presidential candidate in Belarus three years ago, I took part in massive demonstrations the size of which my country had not seen for years. In central Minsk, people from all walks of life braved a police state, and the cold, to protest the widespread election fraud by which Belarusan dictator Alexander Lukashenko stole the presidential election. We also backed a future that lies with Europe, not a re-created Soviet Union.

This demonstration of the people’s will scared Lukashenko and his thugs. Riot police brutally broke up our peaceful rally and beat women, senior citizens and anyone else they could reach, evoking images not seen in my country since the end of World War II. I spent that Christmas and the next — altogether more than a year — in a Soviet-era jail as a political prisoner. I was released as a result of a rare demonstration of political will on the part of the European Union, which imposed sanctions on Lukashenko’s financial supporters. However, additional sanctions planned by the European Union didn’t materialize, partly because of intense lobbying by Latvia and Slovenia, and numerous other political prisoners remain in prison in Belarus, including my colleague, presidential candidate Mikalai Statkevich, and human rights defender Ales Bialiatski.

The European Union’s lack of will and strategy in dealing with countries on its periphery began with it turning a blind eye to Lukashenko’s undemocratic consolidation of power in the mid-1990s. As Europe experienced an unprecedented period of economic success, great expectations and enlargement, and as it declared a commitment to common democratic values and human rights, Lukashenko rigged elections while his opponents mysteriously disappeared. The E.U. responded by suspending relations with the regime but didn’t take more serious steps such as launching investigations. Instead, the E.U. simply hoped that the next election would be fair. Popular opposition leaders Yuri Zakharenko and Viktor Gonchar were then murdered in 1999, and Gennady Karpenko died under mysterious circumstances. Each had enjoyed broad support and could easily have won against Lukashenko. As Lukashenko constructed modern Europe’s most repressive and totalitarian system, the European Union didn’t react adequately.

Europe today faces a very real crisis of values. The European Union simply does not see its mission as strengthening and developing democratic values in Europe itself, despite its declaration that the Eastern Partnership program, in which Eastern neighbors including Belarus build ties with the E.U., is a framework based on them. Instead, the program has turned out to be just another means of justifying diplomacy and trade with autocrats — including maintaining a relationship with the dictator Lukashenko by returning to a policy of “dialogue” with Minsk.

Ukrainians are rejecting their corrupt leader through their Euromaidan protests. It was encouraging to see European and U.S. politicians, such as Sen. John McCain, Polish members of the European Parliament and Swedish Foreign Minister Carl Bildt, come to the central square in Kiev to bolster them. However, strong moral support is not enough when the Kremlin has stepped in with loans and cheaper gas — not to help Yanukovych per se but to defend the model of dictatorial rule in the region.

The E.U. believes it can maintain its own institutions and values while engaging and trading with undemocratic neighbors such as Belarus, Ukraine and Russia at no political or moral cost to itself. This is a mistake. No amount of “engagement” or “realpolitik” overtures toward autocrats is going to create predictable, safe neighbors for the European Union.

It is not a question of if but when Belarusans will rid themselves of Europe’s last dictatorship and join the community of European democracies. The strategy for doing so has to be built on principles. Lukashenko must be sanctioned for the crimes he has committed, and the people of Belarus must be engaged. By supporting democratic movements, free media and freedom fighters, along with transparent cooperation and concerted diplomacy with the European Union, the Obama administration can significantly reduce this time from years to months.

 By Andrei Sannikov, Published: December 26, 2013 in the Washington Post:
 http://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/supporting-belaruss-climb-out-from-under-dictatorship/2013/12/26/54aadd60-6c08-11e3-aecc-85cb037b7236_story.html

The Abduction of Europe

• 
  Sannikov: "It could be said that Europe created Lukashenko, and Lukashenko created Putin's Russia." (Photo: Marco Fieber)

Related: Pariah state Belarus sends top diplomat to Brussels

BRUSSELS - The slowing of democratic development is becoming increasingly evident around the world. Freedom House reports that fewer countries now guarantee all political and civil rights and freedoms than just a few years ago. This worrying retreat of democracy has been going on for more than five years.

This is largely due to a change in attitudes towards promoting democracy in the US and Europe.
There is a growing perception that democratic Europe is turning its back on the very principles it is based on; even the emotional connection to recent history, the history of fighting for freedom, for European values, is becoming weaker. 

Promising past

The success story of European unification is no longer a political guiding light. However, it's worth reminding that after the collapse of the Soviet Union, Eastern Europe wasted no time in turning its back on the former empire to join NATO and the EU.

Poland, the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Hungary, Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia, Slovenia, Bulgaria, and Romania joined the EU. Reality exceeded the boldest of forecasts for the democratic world, for progress and human rights in Europe. The dream of a Europe whole and free became reality for much of the European continent. In the 1990s, it still appeared that the constituent republics of the former Soviet Union, or at least those in geographic Europe, would follow suit. This was the best time to create and develop democratic institutions in the European portion of the Soviet Union. Indeed, many Western NGOs came to Belarus, Ukraine and Russia at that time to help develop civil society. However, for different reasons they failed to achieve any lasting success in these countries.

Early in the new millennium, Europe needed US support, including support for accession of new members to the EU, and was aligned with the US foreign policy, which was based on the core premise of promoting democracy above all. Europe and especially Eastern European states that reclaimed its European identity benefited from this solidarity on principles.

The entire Former Soviet Union (FSU) is now in full retreat, away from democratic values. And Western NGOs and their local partners are under the greatest pressure ever in all the years of their operation in the FSU nations. NGOs have been declared "foreign agents" in Russia. They have been "enemies of the people" in Belarus for years.

There is a clear danger of Russia becoming a totalitarian state. Totalitarian tendencies are on the rise in Ukraine as well, even as it is negotiating to sign an association agreement with the EU. It is not a “civilisation choice” of Ukraine that is being negotiated but an arrangement to accommodate the interests of an authoritarian ruling elite in Ukraine.

Disappointing present

Currently the US is distancing itself not only from promoting democracy in general but also from the process of promoting democracy in Europe. Going back to the "security paradigm" that de-emphasizes concerns for human rights and democracy lead to the US having a working relationship, sometimes very close and friendly, with the majority of non-free countries around the world. This is why the "Arab Spring" came as a great surprise to the US, creating problems for the US, the EU, and the world. No matter what provoked the nature was revolt against tyrants that were partners of the West.

Europe is now repeating this mistake. It has started sliding back into the Realpolitik mode of 20th century, dating from an era of two opposing systems, two different ideologies. This is a policy based on fallacy. It is a path that is harmful for the EU and a path that will lead to outright betrayal of democratic movements in nations living under authoritarian regimes or dictatorships.

One of the arguments behind this policy is the false premise that Russia is resisting Western influence and doing everything to oppose it and that the EU must therefore discern any signs of opposition to Russia in other FSU nations, and help support this opposition.
The key error here is thinking that by supporting these regimes against Russia the EU is weakening their ties with totalitarianism.

In reality the fact is that the FSU nations have created an alternative development model and are now building upon it, with Russia as the heavyweight in the region, and with help of Western Realpolitik. Whatever differences some of the FSU nations may occasionally have with Russia, turning a blind eye to the nature of their regimes and supporting them just because they are from time to time at odds with Russia is lethal for values and for the future of those countries.

Under this policy, the basic values Europe stands for and is based upon tend to take second seat to Realpolitik considerations. Geopolitical rivalry once again comes to the fore, which results not only in reneging on one's principles, but also in strengthening and legitimising the totalitarian regimes.
The totalitarian government model is currently much more appealing than Western-style democracy to the ruling groups of FSU countries. They have chosen this development path and are never going to adopt Western democratic ways by their own choice. Why should they?

At the moment issues like human rights and democracy can be excluded from meaningful bilateral trade relations. They can always reach a deal with Europe that is monetarily profitable to both sides. Liberalisation and democratisation will cost them power. At the same time there is little cost to them for failing to comply with international obligations and to change under current EU policy and huge risks to their dictatorships if they do change.

Post-Soviet totalitarianism has taken things much further than the Soviet Union ever did. The former superpower at least had some respect for national borders. It opposed the West in the Third World, rather than on the enemy's home ground. In Western Europe, the USSR used “conventional” methods of espionage, attempts at propaganda and support for local communists.

Things are very different today. Post-Soviet totalitarianism has found Europe's weakness and is increasingly trying to impose its own rules of engagement in Europe. This may not yet be a conscious strategy, but the scale and effectiveness of this “abduction of Europe" are truly impressive.

Dangerous future

It all began with significant investment in the Old World. Post-Soviet nouveaux riches became welcome in Western Europe. At first, they simply came over for a short holiday, to party and enjoy "European" life, while gradually coming to understand that they did not have to adapt to unnecessary convention, as their money was dazzling to the citizens of the EU.

Businessmen and politicians from the FSU started buying up real estate, moving their business to Europe, or at least putting them under companies in European offshore zones. They began buying sports clubs and entertainment venues on the Continent. The experience of those early weekend trips to Europe came in handy, and proved a great eye-opener. Huge amounts of cash began flowing west and huge amount of lawyers were hired to justify it, explain it and arrange for its deposit in western banks.

Business interests from all FSU countries currently have a presence in all European countries. London, which many of the Russian super-rich call home, is a prominent example. On the face of it, this would all be perfectly normal, even progressive development, if wasn’t for the fact that business interests across the FSU have no respect for laws and rules of the game accepted in the West.

These business interests bring their grey schemes of making money to Europe, making a "quick Euro" or a few hundred million quick Euros without proper control and while following corrupt practices. They also actively lobby EU member states, especially their policies in respect of FSU nations.

Business interests need lobbying, and this was precisely what post-Soviet businessmen and EU politicians started engaging in, acting through European politicians and members of parliaments and other legislators. The Latvians lobby for relaxing constraints on Belarusian petro chemicals, many of which are exported through Latvian ports. Former German Chancellor Gerhardt Schroeder joined Gazprom in the midst of its energy wars with the West.

The next level of infiltration of Europe was through the media and think tanks. After several failed attempts to set up or support NGOs in the West that would promote pro totalitarian propaganda, Russia and several other nations simply started buying analysis, journalists and media personalities, who could use their full knowledge of Western sensibilities and mind-sets to promote the interests of totalitarian regimes and dictatorships. The television channel Russia Today is a prime example of this. Native English speakers and pundits are hired as presenters to present pro Russia news in perfect English.

Expensive PR agencies are more than happy to see totalitarian regimes of the FSU among their clients, going to great lengths to make sure human rights violations in these countries are overlooked in Europe. Lord Timothy Bell and his PR agency eagerly came to serve Lukashenka government to lobby its interests in the UK and in Europe.

The push-back from the FSU is strong. The opposition to a EU Magnitsky law is a prime example of this with the EU being afraid to pass an act for fear of derailing its relations with Russia.
Dictators around the world are watching closely. They happily note that the Court of Justice of the European Union has accepted the claims of the blacklisted representatives of the dictatorial regime in Belarus who pose as journalists or election committee officials as well as some oligarchs who serve the dictator to be removed from the list.

Not only accepted but even ruled to pay the lawyers of the criminals that goes against European values. We also see the Zimbabwean tyrant Robert Mugabe filing a multibillion-dollar lawsuit over the losses suffered from EU Sanctions. Frightfully expensive European lawyers will now try to prove in court that destroying one's own country and one's own people is a tyrant's inalienable right. That'll be quite a precedent.
European democracy is increasingly becoming a product for purely domestic consumption. It is in full effect in the EU, where politicians, journalists, government officials and ordinary citizens alike are more than happy to benefit from it, and it grinds to a halt at the EU’s boundaries.

Democratic principles prevail inside the EU: independent courts protect human rights from encroachment by other individuals as well as governments. Outside the EU, one can conveniently forget about principles and deal with dictators.

The policy that Vaclav Havel described as "the sinister experience of dictator appeasement," is now called a "policy of engagement." This is precisely what the EU is offering Lukashenko, the man whose regime is responsible for disappearances and murders of opposition leaders, journalists, mass human rights violations, as well as destruction of national culture, history and language.

It all started in Belarus

The abduction of Europe started with Lukashenko. The foundation of Europe's last dictatorship was laid in Belarus precisely in the 1990s when Europe lived through its best period of great expectations, enlargement and common values. Lukashenko achieved a successful coup d'etat (disguised as a referendum) and assumed total power in 1996.

The EU responded by suspending relations with the regime, hoping that the next election would be fair. Popular opposition leaders who enjoyed broad support were murdered in 1999: Gennady Karpenko, Yury Zakharenko, Victor Gonchar. 

Every one of them could have won an election against the dictator. The EU did not respond to that. The Council of Europe conducted an investigation years after the murders. In the meantime, the dictator was building, consistently and methodically, modern Europe's toughest totalitarian system in Belarus. 

All FSU regimes, notably that in Russia, carefully studied the approaches and methods tested by the dictator in Belarus. They did not simply study them, they also adopted the "best dictatorship practices" for their own use.

It is abundantly clear how Lukashenko's practices are currently implemented in Russia. Among other things, Russia is watching how quickly Belarus can patch up its relations with the EU after yet another, more vicious spat.

It could be said that Europe created Lukashenko, and Lukashenko created Putin's Russia.
The experience of the Belarusian dictatorship shows that after any flare-ups with the West, after putting down peaceful demonstration, putting more political prisoners into jail, someone will come forward in Europe to defend the bankrupt Belarusian regime, and appeasers would be found domestically, who would join efforts to make the EU to revert to the Realpolitik mode.

A united Europe, with active involvement by the US, would have been a guarantor of restoration, reinforcement and development of democratic values, principles, and standards in the post-Soviet region. This is necessary for maintaining the Transatlantic partnership, for FSU nations, and for Europe itself. However, this is not happening.

And now Europe is in the throes of a very real crisis of values, which will hit it, much harder than any financial, mortgage lending, or foreign exchange crisis. The essence of the crisis is precisely that the EU does not see its mission to strengthen and develop democratic values. It believes it can maintain its own institutions and values untainted and engage and trade with its undemocratic European neighbours at no cost to itself. This is a mistake.

No "Realpolitik," no amount of "engagement" and overtures towards dictators are going to create predictable, safe neighbours for Europe. Dialogue and engagement with these regimes legitimises them and lets them into the EU where it is the EU’s systems and values that corrode. Remember, there are fewer free countries in the world than five years ago.

Only a direct, honest, uncompromising assessment of the dictatorship's actions, only an honest, strong, and brave stance in response to human rights violations by oppressive and dictatorial regimes, and bold support of democratic movements should help Europe defend its values and avoid new conflicts and a real “clash of civilisations”.

Andrei Sannikov is a Belarusian opposition politician 
and a former presidential candidate and political prisoner. 
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 http://euobserver.com/opinion/122187
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British Aid to Belarus Dictatorship

 
British aid money has been given by the European Union to help the security forces
of the last dictatorship in Europe.

Funds intended to help the world’s neediest have been spent on providing training and equipment to the police force and border guards of Belarus, an autocracy run along Soviet lines. The aid, supplied by the European Union’s EuropeAid programme, to which Britain’s Department for International Development (DfID) is a major donor, came despite violent action against the pro-democracy opposition.

The Foreign Office has expressed grave concern at the imprisonment and abuse of dissidents and also at the use of the death penalty, while an EU arms embargo has been put in place. However, the EU increased aid payments to Belarus to more than £32 million last year, including millions of pounds on projects to reinforce the country’s western borders.

The European Commission said the aid would curb people trafficking and drug smuggling, but dissidents claimed the equipment has been used to prevent the regime’s opponents fleeing.

Labour said the aid to Belarus was unjustifiable and urged ministers to raise it with the commission.
David Cameron is committed to spending 0.7 per cent of GDP on foreign aid, but Britain has direct control over only part of the budget, with more than 40 per cent distributed through third parties.

The EuropeAid programme receives £1 billion from DfID. The Brussels scheme has in turn spent £68 million since 2007 in Belarus, under the “neighbourhoods policy” designed to promote democracy in countries bordering or near the EU, and prevent illegal migration to the EU.

Procurement documents show Belarus has been bought equipment including motorcycles, patrol boats, swamp vehicles and thermal imaging cameras for border guards.

The list included £279,000 to buy and house guard dogs, £8.4 million on mobile X-ray machines and cameras to inspect cars crossing the borders, and £6.7  million on a computerized criminal records database and portable equipment to check biometric data.

The aid agency trained border guards in “document integrity, detection of forgeries and impostor recognition” and spent millions to clear the border strip and install new checkpoints, telephones and CCTV networks.

Human rights monitors are severely critical of Belarus, which has been ruled by Alexander Lukashenko, the so called president, since 1994. He has retained the KGB and other Soviet-era ministries, is accused of running death squads for political opponents and has named his son Kolya, nine, who carries a golden handgun, as his “heir”. He said last year: 
“I am the last and only dictator in Europe.”

Presidential elections in December 2010 were declared “fraudulent” by the American Senate, while the US and Europe have placed a travel ban and asset freeze on some regime officials.

Natalia Kaliada, director of the underground Belarus Free Theatre, accused Brussels of propping up the regime, which does not want its critics free to campaign.“With such equipment they would block all possibilities of escape completely. It would be a completely isolated country,” she said.

Jim Murphy, the Labour shadow development secretary, said there was no justification for aid to go to Belarus and called on ministers to take it up with the European Commission. “Aid is vital to help alleviate poverty and to support UK national security and economic interests. It should not support regimes in countries of concern with alarming human rights records,” he said. “Ministers must now urgently raise this matter with the European Commission to ensure no UK taxpayers’ money is being spent in ways which undermine our national interests or values.”

Sir Menzies Campbell, the former Liberal Democrat leader who sits on the Foreign Affairs Select Committee, said: “Before financing equipment of this kind you have to assess the balance of risks of illegal breaches of the border against the reality of an unpleasant regime which cares very little for the human rights of its citizens. “If there is a suggestion that this equipment is being exploited we should think very carefully about continuing to provide it.”

DfID said its ministers were aware of the aid to Belarus and supported Europe’s policy of “critical engagement” with the regime. A spokesman for the European Commission said: “EU support for Belarus is all about promoting democracy and human rights and where necessary pushing the Belarusian authorities hard, whilst supporting civil society that seeks to hold them to account.”

Matthew Holehouse, The Telegraph.

Free Belarus! Remove Lukashenko’s Wallet!

The dictator will continue to ignore the West’s demands unless billions of dollars stop coming in.

The chair of the working group on investments at the Committee for International Control of the Human Rights Situation in Belarus Olga Zakharova said it in an interview to charter97.org. Olga has recently presented report The EU Dilemma: "What Kind of Dialogue with Belarus?" in Warsaw together with Yuri Dzhibladze.

- Olga, you became known as the chair of the Committee for International Control of the Human Rights Situation in Belarus first after the events of December 19, 2010 in Minsk. How did you become a human rights activist?

- My mother was born in Latvia, but she came to Russia to study, and stayed to live here. At first I was a biologist, or an environmental activist with a background in journalism. But eventually in the late 1990-early 2000s many of my colleagues from former soviet countries were put to prison. In Belarus, it happened to professor Yuri Bandazhevski; in Turkmenistan several people were pressed and had to leave the country. And here in Russia it became much harder to protect the environment, tress, people from the factories. The space squeezed and I realized that unless basic human rights are respected, there’ll be no environment. Belarus, Russia and Central Asia are gradually moving away from democracy, and I decided that I should work with human rights.

- When did you as a Russian human rights activist begin to work with the situation with human rights in Belarus?

- At first, it was the environment. Apart from Bandazhevski and all those “nuclear” cases, we worked with protection of the Bielavezhskaya pushcha. When the current powers got involved, we tried to preserve the national park, to save at least something. We held a successful international campaign that drew much attention, but eventually the ecologists had to leave. Then I was warned that it would be better for me not to return to Belarus.

But we did return on December 19, 2010. It was an international task to rescue the Belarusians that had to go to prison after the presidential elections. We should show solidarity. There is a law: if you don’t help others, nobody will help you. We realized that the same or a similar situation can happen in Russia. In fact, we were right…

- Thank you for your solidarity. How did your work look like at that time when so many people were in prison?

- At that time, a part of representatives of the Committee for International Control of the Human Rights Situation in Belarus were in Minsk working with youth at human rights seminars. Before the elections of December 19, 2010, we saw that someone had to watch and tell about the events to the international community. We kept in touch and started to act before the mass arrests. My colleagues and I had this idea to start the OSCE Moscow process, while the others who were in Minsk wanted to launch an observatory mission to tell about what was going on.

It became clear that still so many organizations alarmed by the situation in Belarus are looking for ways to help, there was a need to establish the committee, first of all, because the committee gives the possibility to coordinate actions. As a result, apart from the international observatory mission of the Committee for international control of the situation there was appointed Special Rapporteur on Belarus Neil Jarman whose report was very influential. It was the first appointment of a special rapporteur on Belarus since the events of December 19. His report was one of the factors that helped us start the OSCE Moscow process. We had to convince everyone that this was an extraordinary situation.

Even if the terror had never followed – the tortures in prisons, forced disappearances – this situation would still be classified as a “crisis”.

For a long time our mission was in fact the only international institution functioning in Minsk, because the OSCE mission was very soon asked to leave. It was basically the only source of information, and as soon as the Belarusian powers realized it they started to bar human rights activists from Russia and Ukraine from coming to the country. Our colleagues were stopped at the border; some were detained, some were deported or asked to leave Belarus within the nearest 24 hours and not to come back in the near future. This way, 20 persons were forced to leave Belarus, that not including the foreign journalists and activists of political movements. I am only talking about civil observers not related to political forces who only worked with human rights.

- You have mentioned a crisis. Is it over or is it still happening?

- In his report, the UN special rapporteur on Belarus Miklos Haraszti emphasized that we are dealing with a full-scale system crisis of human rights in Belarus. It reached its acute on December 19, 2010. A system crisis is not a fantasy. The European court of human rights has a definition for it. The situation in Belarus fits it perfectly.

Why is it important? We are looking at situations not only from the point of view of personal tragedies and broken lives, but we also consider the current events in Belarus and now in Russia. It is an attempt to rewrite the history of human rights, to give the powers right to do whatever they please. And if our rulers succeed, we will get a new frightening world. Syria will seem a paradise compared to what will happen here. It is already happening in several countries in Central Asia, but nobody is talking about it.

- How strong is the impact of the situation in Belarus on its neighbors – Russia and Ukraine?

- The impact on Russia is negative. For the last 20 years, a part of the nation has been living in an illusion that there is some kind of communist paradise across the border. Many people believe that there is this ideal model, “Byelorussia” as they call it. And it has a destructive effect not only on common people but on the intelligentsia, teachers, doctors who are not particularly interested in details and don’t have the full picture. Unfortunately, Lukashenka’s propaganda has proved very effective.

But the events after December 19, 2010, showed that the Belarusian powers can throw people to prison and torture them and not suffer any consequences. Sanctions? Conflict with the West? Well, there has always been a conflict. Then repressive laws followed. Belarus is a training ground. Lukashenko tries first, Big Brother repeats.

As for Ukraine, it will manage to keep balance unless the situation changes. The relations of Belarus with the European Union also play a role here. If the EU repeats the same mistake and says “it doesn’t matter that you have political prisoners and no democracy – just fix something a little bit,” Yanukovich and his team will realize that these methods can be used in Ukraine. And they will have it their way, the Eastern Partnership will just play along.

If the EU becomes more rigid (which is not so probable), there is a chance that the Ukrainian powers will act more properly. Obviously, neither Lukashenka, nor Yanukovich want to hug with Russia, and because both of them will lose their power at once.

I am going to say a very cynical thing. Everyone is anxious about the rising Russian military presence in Belarus. Why is Lukashenka doing it? He understands that nobody will perform a military overturn. This military base poses no threat to him. If the situation develops in the same direction, Putin will gain unlimited authority.

- Why are you so sure?

- There are norms of the international law. Russia will never choose a military overturn. The only thing Russia could complete was the little victorious war in Georgia. Hence, nobody will deprive Lukashenka of his power in a military overturn. If Russians get a full control over the Belarusian economy, there is no need in Lukashenko. Then he can be simply removed and placed in Drazdy.

As any paranoid, Lukashenko feels danger 100 steps away. Our forecast is that he will stay till the last drop in his games with Russia.

On the other hand, Lukashenko will try to “suppress” the European Union. And it would be really stupid to tell the Europeans (while export of Belarusian goods to Europe reduced by 40 percent during January-June 2013) to lift the sanctions against the dictator, which is already happening.

This person just like his entire team come from the Soviet Union. They don’t understand what a constructive dialog is. For them, it is a situation when the opposite part makes concessions and when the system of agreements, constraints and counterweights doesn’t function. Europeans can spend all time at a chess board, but Lukashenka will still beat them with a hockey-stick.

- What should Europe do? What are your recommendations?

- The system needs to change. Why don’t we support the international procedures that concern Belarus? Why did we need the OSCE Moscow mechanism so much? Why do we support the report of the UN special rapporteur Miklos Haraszti and why do we want his mandate prolonged? Because all these things put the situation in Belarus in a legal sphere.

You see, this ”dialog” with the EU about human rights, the ”dialog” with the USA is an invention of evil persons from the West who want to ”bend” the little poor country over. And when we appeal to the international legal norms, agreements and obligations that Belarus took on voluntarily, it proves that human rights are not an interior issue. If you want a dialog, you should fulfill your obligations, not act as little children at the dinner table: I’m not eating this, I’ll have that instead.

With these agreements, commonly accepted notions and norms, a road map of changes can be constructed to use for evaluation of the progress. If the political prisoners are released now (and in the current situation they will not be rehabilitated), there should be no illusions.

If there are no clear changes, there will be new political prisoners. Why is this situation so repulsive? Because the ruler says he acts in compliance with the law, that Belarus is a state of law. But if this law contradicts all international norms and agreements on human rights, it means that it is a bad law and it should be changed. There is no need for claiming hypocritically “we live in a state of law.”

- Do you support target sanctions against Lukashenko’s regime?

- It is not sanctions but restrictive measures, because sanctions are “carpet bombing”. We are talking about the need to limit the trade between the people who earn profits for Lukashenka’s regime and, first of all, the USA and EU.

A classic example: Latvia managed to lift these restrictive measures from some of the most profitable companies of Yury Chyzh. Basically, these companies worked via the profitable scheme of petroleum products trade estimated to generate 2-3 billion dollars.

Do you see now why Lukashenka ignores the demands of the international community? When the positive trade balance with the EU equals 8 billion, all threats sound ridiculous. It is much more than what they get from Russia.

That is why we believe that those who earn profits for the regime should face significant restrictions. The criteria are simple: we see who gets the best parts, and who gets license to trade with petroleum products, tobacco and alcohol.

- You have studied the situation with the Belarusian banks, too.

- This situation is interesting. We have questions about Iranian banks in Belarus, although formally sold because of the sanctions imposed by the USA. But the question of how and where the cash flows went remains, because we know that Belarus and Iran have a mutual agreement on direct accounting that doesn’t involve SWIFT. But you understand that these accounts are meant for direct deals of unknown character.
100 percent of shares of the North European Bank until recently called Onerbank belonged to Iranian banks. After the sanctions imposed by the West, the bank had to change its name and shareholders. Now, its owners are citizens of Germany and Turkmenistan. However, there are born Iranians among the board members.

There is Fransabank with Lebanese capital that operates in France, Lebanon and, I believe, Syria. For a couple of years ago, the New York court closed a case against this bank initiated on complaints of the victims of attacks against Israel, like Hezbollah attacks. The bank worked with accounts of this organization. There was enough evidence for the case, but it was still closed because the court lacked jurisdiction. Here comes a question: what does this bank do in Belarus, given the complicated history of Lukashenka’s weapon trade with all these friendly regimes in the Middle East? In my view, this situation should be scrutinized.

- Lukashenka’s prime income is from selling petroleum products to the West. There is a long-lasting argument: if this trade is limited, who will suffer – Lukashenka or the people?

- There are two aspects to this argument, a moral and a practical. The moral aspect: when the regime gets its key income from selling Russian petroleum products, the EU can follow the example of the USA and simply impose sanctions against Belneftekhim. But unfortunately, Europeans won’t dare do that. Moreover, they claim that the petroleum products mostly are transit goods. Then another question arises: where do these goods go to from Rotterdam? Maybe, the USA? This question should also be considered.

The practical aspect: restrictions of the petroleum products trade are needed at least for private companies, like it was with Chyzh’ companies which had a major impact on the regime But as we see today sanctions have been lifted from all these companies.

- Why is it happening?

- You surely understand that when some countries get the major part of their income from transit of goods, there comes a necessity, as they think, to ”compromise” and ”use a pragmatic approach”. And hence, if voters are discontent with the economic situation in the country, lobbyists’ job gets easier. Basically, charter97.org has published reports of security services of Latvia and Lithuania that said that the Belarusian special services are very active in these countries. We have an idea about what they do there. During a KGB meeting Lukashenka suddenly asked, what happens with this dialog with the West, which shows who is actually in charge of this “dialog”.

Belarus: Europe’s Dirty Little Secret

By: Cristina Odone

LONDON — Tom Stoppard, the celebrated playwright, is hailed as a bard for our times, who has been showered with awards for his work. Yet Sir Tom (Queen Elizabeth II knighted the Czech émigré in 1997) cannot mask the catch in his throat when he tells me about a review The New York Times published on January 17, 2013. The reviewer, Ben Brantley described Minsk 2011 as beautiful and brutal and enthused about its mythic quality.

You couldn’t hope for a better review, could you?

Sir Tom is basking in reflected glory. The play is not his, but the work of the Belarus Free Theater, a company that he has long championed that was banned from performing in their homeland because of their daring criticism of Aleksander Lukashenko, the Belarusian autocrat.

Stoppard has also been helping another Lukashenko foe, Andrey Sannikov. The former deputy foreign minister was tortured and imprisoned for standing against Lukashenko in the December 2010 presidential elections. His show trial two years ago came to a dramatic standstill when a letter of support by Tom Stoppard was read out. Sannikov attributes his release (after 16 months in prison) to the playwright’s intervention.

But despite their victory, neither the dissident nor playwright is capable of really opposing Aleksander Lukashenko. The man known as Europe’s last dictator has held his country in an iron grip for 19 years. Under him, Belarus, a country the size of Kansas, with 9.5 million inhabitants, has earned one of the worst records on political rights and civil liberties in the world. The regime has carefully orchestrated every election and national referendum since 1994.

The first line of the national anthem may proclaim, We are Belarusians, a peaceful people, but a secret death squad has been in operation since the late 1990s. A dozen members of the opposition have disappeared and a number of activists are thought to be political prisoners.

Lukashenko’s regime has dealt with the opposition by literally murdering a small number of people, Stoppard tells me. The Belarusian KGB (Lukashenko has clung to the old Soviet name and model for his secret police) keeps an eye on their fellow citizens. New laws make that all the easier, especially online, with the government investing heavily in the development of software to track Internet users i.e. 55 percent of Belarusians over the age of 15. Lukashenko has also been orchestrating cyber attacks against activists. On December 19, 2010, the day of the last presidential elections, opposition sites were blocked. By 2 p.m. local time, access to mail and Facebook were blocked, and by 4 p.m. almost all independent websites were inaccessible.

Belarus is Europe’s dirty little secret. Its existence should fill Europeans with shame and the European Union with guilt. The institution that likes to grandstand about a common moral purpose and a sterling record on rights has done little to clean up the mess on its doorstep. Belarus may not be a member, but it routinely deals with the European Union — which actually tends to put its weaknesses on vivid display.

Andrey Sannikov certainly thinks so. Exiled to a town just outside London, he feels at once baffled and frustrated by Western (and in particular European) indifference to his compatriots’ plight. Self-interest should prompt them to action, he argues: Westerners should remember that what happens in Belarus affects them. Lukashenko has established ties with other rogue states around the world, and supplied terrorists with arms. Gadhafi, Iran, Sudan, even Saddam Hussein: Lukashenko has sold arms to them all.

Self-interest does feature in the West’s dealings with Belarus. But not in the way Sannikov hopes. E.U. countries like the Netherlands and Latvia buy cheap oil products from Belarusian refineries. In the first six months of last year alone, Lukashenko earned $8 billion from the trade.

The surveillance equipment he uses to spy on his citizens is made by Swedish telecommunication giant Ericsson — though when confronted by Index on Censorship, Ericsson explained that this was because the company had sold its equipment to Turkcell, a Turkish cell phone operator, which in turn had sold their wares to Belarus.

Britain, meanwhile, last year sold to Belarus some $4.7 million worth of arms. The government-sponsored Joint Arms Control Implementation Group has invited Belarusian officers later this year to Britain, where they are supposed to receive training in managing Belarus’ weapons stockpile.

Is it any wonder the Belarusian opposition thinks Europe is propping up the last dictatorship? Sannikov persists with his mission: to oust Aleksandr Lukashenko. The West finds it convenient to portray Belarus as a basket case, he says indignantly, because depicting Belarusians as passive and brutalized makes it easier for Europeans to wash their hands of their troublesome neighbors.

It’s difficult, despite Sannikov’s patriotic fervor, not to view his homeland as a hopeless cause. Belarus has long been a geographical expression, but it only gained independence in 1918 — and even then for only a few months. Sandwiched between Europe and Russia, Belarus was the center of the Holocaust, according to Timothy Snyder, and the route number one for the Nazis’ invasion of the USSR in 1941.

One of the founding republics of the old Soviet Union, Belarus played an instrumental part in the USSR’s dissolution. But it has never managed to emerge from the Kremlin’s orbit. Today it remains sorely dependent on Russia for its energy supplies. A telling sign of Belarusians’ weak sense of identity is that most citizens speak Russian rather than Belarusian at home. As for their leader, Lukashenko uses Russian for all official functions — though the wily dictator may do this to please Vladimir Putin. The two leaders have had their run-ins, though. Only last year, Russian television broadcast an unflattering four-part series titled The Godfather, as it dubbed the Belarusian dictator.

The Mafia soubriquet fits only to a point. Lukashenko often plays the clown, Berlusconi-style. When Guido Westerwelle, Germany’s gay foreign minister, warned him recently that the European Union would recall their ambassadors from Minsk in protest at his dictatorial regime, Lukashenko replied that I’d rather be a dictator than gay. Such reckless behavior stems from Lukashenko’s knowledge that the West wants to keep Belarus on the side. He ably plays Russia against the European Union and is not above using political prisoners as bargaining chips — but only, Sannikov claims, because Europe allows it. They enter into secret negotiations and promise Lukashenko something in return... It’s tit for tat, a loan for a prisoner. (E.U. bilateral assistance to Belarus consisted of 28.50 million euros in 2012-2013, mostly in the area of environment, education and cross-border cooperation.)

Despite the bleak history of his homeland and the cunning ploys of its dictator, Andrey Sannikov has no time for those who claim Belarusians are not interested in democracy. For Sannikov, democracy is about aspiration, not habit. When a group of people gather across a kitchen table, or over the factory assembly line, or in a youth group, and talk of making changes — that is civil society. It exists in Belarus as in North Korea and China. It simply isn’t allowed to have legal channels in these countries.

Natalia Kaliada, who with her husband Nikolai Khalezin founded the Free Belarus Theatre, was arrested at the 2010 election protests. She recalls being pulled up into a paddy wagon. It was one of those specially built ones, to fit 70-80 people. "I was shouting, and the police shouted back "face the floor, don’t look around!" But then I remembered I’d been told that when you are taken, you must immediately collect all the names of those around you, then text them to someone abroad before they take your phone away. I managed to send many names... but then the police started shouting that they would rape us women and take us into a wood and shoot us."

Kaliada was taken instead to a detention center already full of women protesters. She was released 48 hours later, and escaped through Russia to London. Her family has joined her there.

Like Sannikov, she believes that so many (Belarusians) have experienced first-hand the brutality of the authorities, they will realize they cannot live with this regime. They will, she firmly believes, turn to the opposition. Lukashenko controls the media, but there were 30,000 witnesses that day.

Sannikov believes that those 30,000 protesters will soon swell into 300,000. He points to the latest polls, which show that although a third of citizens support Lukashenko, 15 per cent now side with the opposition.
He believes he can stoke the fires of democracy from abroad — with a little help from his friends in the west. His confidence lies in part in Charter 97, the opposition website he helped found. It can be populist and sensationalist, a former diplomat explains, but the website is great propaganda. Not only critics of the regime but an awful lot of high-up civil servants and government ministers are reading the site.

Sometimes, Sannikov points out, grinning, regime officials quote from the website... even on air. The internet means we can work abroad but reach those inside.

But Charter 97 alone will not transform Belarus. Sannikov calls on the West to help him and the opposition by adopting tougher sanctions. The recalling of ambassadors was one step. The European Commission also has drawn up a list of undesirables who may not cross its frontiers, and whose assets in the E.U. will be frozen.

Marietje Schaake, a Dutch MEP who has long campaigned for a more robust E.U. stance in regards to Belarus, admits that none of the European Union’s restrictive measures has had much impact on the policies or actions of the Belarusian government. On April 1, 2013, their foreign minister (Vladimir Makei) said his country was ready for dialogue with the E.U. — but without any pressure or threat of sanctions.

When targeted sanctions, and his own heroic opposition, fail to dent a dictatorship, what can Sannikov do?
Exchange students, scout trips, cycle tours and spa tourism: Greater exchange with the West, at every level of society, will make the Belarusian people see for themselves freedom of speech, of the press, the rule of law. They won’t accept their oppression anymore.

Sannikov wants to persuade the European Union to change their visa requirements: Traveling abroad is allowed — but to date the West has made it difficult, as obtaining a visa is time-consuming and expensive. This may change, according to Marietje Schaake. The European Union wants to start negotiations on visa facilitation and readmission agreements for the public at large. The Belarusian government has not yet replied to the offer, and Schaake says this speaks volumes for Lukashenko’s desire for isolation. After all, she argues, the dogma and doctrine is easily challenged when people experience a higher quality of life abroad.
While Lukashenko mulls over his options — can he afford to tweak Europe’s nose once more? Will Vladimir repudiate him if he doesn’t? — Sannikov believes his own role is to keep Belarus on the international agenda.

It will be difficult, Tom Stoppard warns: What are a handful of murders in comparison to the massacres we see daily in Syria? What are a dozen disappeared in comparison to the scenes of destruction of the Arab Spring? He pauses. But there is one reason why Belarus should matter to us: This is Europe.

Cristina Odone is a columnist for The Daily Telegraph 

and a Research Fellow at the Centre for Policy Studies in London. 

She is also the editor of Free Faith.

Andrey Sannikov on Sky News

Help to Free Belarus From the Dictator Lukashenko and his Dictatorship!

Call to Release Statkevich and Dashkevich!

Please, Sign the Petition!

The situation with democracy and human rights is going worse in Belarus. Mass media and human rights defenders continually inform about repressions, which are used by the regime against civic activists, representatives of the opposition and independent journalists. The situation with political prisoners, who are still in prison and other institutions of confinement, is deteriorating as well.

Two prisoners of conscience, 2010 presidential candidate Mikola Statkevich and the leader of "Young Front" Zmitser Dashkevich, are in an especially dramatic situation.

Mikola Statkevich was imprisoned for 6 years for participation in a demonstration on 19 December 2010. He is a subject of repressions in prison. He was sent to a punishment cell several times. They tried to break his spirit by limiting contacts with his lawyer, relatives, as well as his correspondence. He was accused of %u201Einability of resocialization in a prison" and was additionally convicted to three years of a stricter colony regime.

Zmitser Dashkevich was imprisoned for two years in a colony for allegedly beating two men he accidentally met two days before the presidential election. The authorities put unprecedented pressure on him; he was tortured and humiliated, underwent several transfers under guard. Almost the whole time of imprisonment he spent in a punishment cell or indoors. At the end of August he was blamed for persistent noncompliance with orders and was sentenced to an additional year of imprisonment. He is discriminated on the grounds of religion, is humiliated in the colony, threatened with use of physical force, including sexual assault and murder, his right for meetings with family is limited without justification.

The actions of the colony authorities show that Lukashenko seeks to annihilate his political rivals. We can't allow it!

Therefore we call upon the leaders of the EU member states to take permanent actions in order to achieve the release and rehabilitation of Mikola Statkevich and Zmitser Dashkevich, as well as other Belarusian political prisoners and immediately appeal to Belarus' government demanding to stop tortures and other forms of inhuman treatment of political prisoners and stop the prosecution of Mikola Statkevich and Zmitser Dashkevich.

We deeply believe that only consistent action and a common position of the EU member states can lead to the release of Belarusian political prisoners.

Please, click on the picture to sign the Petition!

Thank you.

Plushy Wars in Belarus 2012

That´s it. Finally the last dictator of Europe is cornered. No way out! The illegitimate president of Belarus is cornered by a bunch of plush teddy bears (879 of them to be precise) from Sweden bearing messages calling for freedom of speech and human rights in Belarus. Each proud hero-bear was dropped from the sky all over Belarus with its own individual parachute and was holding a pro-democracy messages such as "We Support the Belarussian Struggle for Free Speech." Definitely dictator Lukashenko and his KGB gang members got scared.

The assault on dictatorship was apparently carried out by two Swedes, Tomas Mazetti and Hannah Frey, working for Swedish PR Agency Studio Total, who said they learned to fly and piloted the small plane from Lithuania into Belarusian airspace as their own personal effort to dramatize the struggle for Human Rights in Belarus.

In an interview with Foreign Policy, Mr. Mazetti and Ms. Frey explained why they used teddy bears.

TM: There are few examples in history of forcing a dictator to step down through money or weapons alone, and of course one should protest his actions. But a campaign using teddy bears has been received warmly in Belarus, and many people think that it's very funny.

HF: The idea to use the teddy-bear grams was not ours. It originated with an opposition group in Belarus called Speak the Truth. They used teddy bears to spread their message. After we decided to carry out some sort of protest, we saw what they had done, and that's how we arrived at using the teddy bears.

As Charetr97.org reported later on, a light Swedish aircraft overflew the Belarusian border on July 4th, 2012. Teddy bears with pro-democracy labels were dropped from the plane over the town of Ivyanets and on the outskirts of Minsk. The Belarusian authorities refused to admit the fact of the flight until July 26 saying "the investigation is under way". Photographer Anton Suryapin, who published photos of teddy bears found near Ivanets on the internet, and Real Estate Agent Sergei Basharymov, who rented an apartment to the Swedes, were detained. They were charged with violation of Part 6 of Article 16 (aiding and abetting) and Part 3 of Article 371 (illegal crossing the state border of Belarus). Both may face up from three to seven years in prison. How is it funny now?

There´s no doubt that allegations against Surapin and Basharymov are groundless and absurd. They have never helped Swedes in any kind of "illegal crossing the state border of Belarus". As always Belarusian KGB is looking for people to blame. They did the same with the other two young guys - Vladislav Kovalev and Dmitriy Konovalov in spring of this year, blaming them in blowing up the Oktyabrskaya subway station. In May 2012 Kovalev and Konovalov were executed. And their participation in a "terror act" was never actually proven. The ruling was based on trivial and inconclusive evidence.

Now the Belarusian KGB is looking for new fresh victims, and offers organizers of the teddy bear air-drop to come to Minsk to give evidence as suspects. "In the interests of an unbiased investigation of the criminal case and figuring out all details of intrusion into the airspace of the Republic of Belarus and the Republic of Lithuania, the State Security Committee offers the Swedish citizens, who took part in organizing and performing the illegal border overflying, to arrive in Minsk as suspects to take part in the investigative procedures, including face-to-face interrogations", the KGB Information Center reports. "Final procedural decisions in relation to the Belarusian citizens involved in the criminal case will be made after that."

The Belarusian KGB security service is demanding that representatives of the Swedish PR Agency Studio Total, of which Mr. Mazetti and Ms. Frey are employees, come in for questioning. "We want to have an objective, comprehensive investigation of the case, and an explanation of all aspects of the intrusion into Belarusian airspace," a KGB spokesperson told journalists at a press-conference.

Swedish PR Agency Studio Total commented to Charter97.org on the invitation of its employees to the Belarusian KGB to give evidences: "Studio Total can comment charges only after it will get acquainted with them. But the publication of photographs on the Internet cannot be illegal. Moreover, the fact of border crossing and airdrop of bears was confirmed by Lukashenko himself. That means that there is nothing far-fetched in the photos, which were just (!) posted on the Internet by Anton Suryapin. As to Sergei Basharymov, if he is arrested, then one have to arrest and indict everyone: those who have rented a car to us, sold us airline tickets... There is no logic in that, no sense. Just an attempt to demonstrate its power. Irrational actions from the side of Alexander Lukashenko, who, apparently, is in despair and poorly perceives what is going on."

"Studio Total has not received any written invitation from the Belarusian KGB yet, so it is difficult to comment. But let them send - Studio Total will read with interest and think about it", - said Thomas Mazetti, the one who conducted the flight to Belarus. The pilot also reported that now lots of anonymous letters with threats come to the studio - probably from representatives of the Belarusian security services.

As Harry Pahanyaila, Human Rights Activist, told in his interview to the press service of Belarusian Association of Journalists: "Those details, which the KGB reports today - is actually an invitation of the citizens of Sweden to come to Belarus, where they will be arrested and where they also will be indicted. To expect that the Swedes will come here? Ridiculous. Moreover, Belarus has repeatedly demonstrated a lack of justice in such cases. "

According to the human rights defender, prisoners Suryapin and Basharimov in the KGB jail are now in the position of hostages.

"They are just an object of a blackmail - we, say, can, probably, let them go, if someone would come here and give evidences ... There are words of the need of identification parades, interrogations to find out how objectively were accused Belarusian citizens. Hence, the investigation has no sufficient evidences of the involvement of these persons to the crime? This does not correspond to the norms of the Criminal Procedure Code, not to the traditions that exist in democratic states in the prosecution of criminal offenses.

If it was civilized and democratic, no one would prevent our services to send appropriate requests to the prosecutor´s office in Sweden about the interrogation of the citizens of this country, involved in the offense. And so, without seeking their arrival here, get the necessary information. The state itself is, of course, hardly will surrender its citizens, but they could provide the necessary information on the circumstances of the initiated criminal case in Belarus", - said Harry Pahanyaila.

As a revenge for «teddy-bears bombing» dictator Lukashenko expelled Sweden Ambassador Stefan Eriksson and also proposed to withdraw the Embassy of Sweden from Belarus by August 30th, 2012. Yet the context and consequences of this revenge run deeper. Lukashenka has long sought to neuter Western embassies in Minsk. In 2008, he threw out the United States Ambassador and most of its staff. Earlier this year, he expelled the Polish and EU Envoys, and subsequently stated that he would decide, which European Ambassadors would be allowed to stay. Apparently, the Swedish Ambassador was not one of them.

Nothing is more important, however, than a strong and engaged presence of European diplomats in Belarus. Lukashenka long since purged his country of most Western institutions. No international organization dealing with democracy and human rights remains since the OSCE was forced to close its office. No major Western NGOs or foundations are allowed in Belarus, and cooperation with and funding from them is a criminal offense under Belarusian Law. This makes Western Embassies the only legal contact point and partner for those that strive for democratic change in Belarus.

Swedish Foreign Minister Carl Bildt has no doubts the Belarusian ruler stands behind the new diplomatic row. "Lukashenka behaves like a bandit. I don't know why he chose escalation. It's not a secret that our democracy program has been annoying the Belarusian authorities for a long time. They just demonstrated their anger now. No doubts that Lukashenka stands behind this," the Swedish Foreign Minister said in an interview for TT news agency.

Also outraged Lukashenko dismissed head of the State Border Committee Major General Igor Rachkouski and the Commander of the Air and Air Defence Forces Major General Dmitriy Pakhmelkin. In reality he was supposed to dismiss his National Security Advisor - his son - Victor Lukashenko and then to dismiss himself.

Because in the summer of 1996, 70 deputies of the 199-member Belarusian Parliament signed a petition to impeach Lukashenko on charges of violating the Constitution. Shortly after that a referendum was held on November 24th, 1996 in which four questions were offered by Lukashenko and three offered by a group of Parliament members. The measures passed, but faced international and internal condemnation. On 25 November, it was announced that 70.5% of voters, on an 84% turnout, had approved an amended constitution that greatly increased Lukashenko's power. The United States and the European Union, however, refused to accept the legitimacy of the referendum. By most accounts, the new constitution turned his presidency into a legal dictatorship. So, dictator Lukashenko is illegitimate president anyway since the time of his impeachment in summer 1996 and a rigged referendum of November 24th.

Brussels Forum: Sanctions Against Lukashenko's Regime Must be Strengthened!

Brussels

March 26, 2012

The Belarusian issue became one of the key themes at the Brussels Forum.

Andrei Sannikov, the coordinator of European Belarus civil campaign, has been representing Belarus for previous years at the prestigious Brussels Forum, the event uniting the world's political and economic elite. But at present time former presidential candidate has been in prison for over a year accused of organizing protests against the rigged election.

Due to the arrest of Andrei Sannikov, Belarus was represented for two years in succession by his sister Iryna Bahdanava, an initiator of a legal prosecution of Lukashenka; head of the Belarus Free Theatre - Natallia Kaliada and head of "We Remember" Foundation - Irina Krasouskaya.

This year's forum was attended by EU Foreign Policy Chief Catherine Ashton; NATO Secretary General Anders Fogh Rasmussen; US Senator Jeanne Shaheen, who initiated hearing on Belarus in the US Senate; Swedish Foreign Minister Carl Bildt; Polish Foreign Minister Radoslaw Sikorski; Belgian Foreign Minister and Deputy Prime Minister Didier Reynders; Ukrainian and Bulgarian Foreign Ministers Kostyantyn Gryshchenko and Nickolai Mladenov; Chair of the Board at the Centre for Liberal Strategies Ivan Krastev; Former Prime Minister of Libya Mahmoud Gebril; former President of Lebanon Amine Gemayel and others.

"We initiated a discussion on Belarus at the panel to discuss the situation in Syria in connection with Belarusian weapon supplies to the country," Natallia Kaliada said at the forum. "Bulgarian Foreign Minister Nickolay Mladenov spoke at the panel discussion. We asked the minister why the negotiations to involve dictatorial Belarus into European processes were initiated in spite of tortures of political prisoners in the country and weapon supplies to rogue states, including Syria. Mladenov replied he was ready to deal with such people like Lukashenko to save the lives of political prisoners. Andrei Sannikov's sister Iryna Bahdanava said political prisoners had faced even more severe tortures after Mladenov's visit to Belarus, but EU economic sanctions were not imposed due to Lukashenko's empty promise to release all prisoners of conscience."

The Belarusian issues was raised as a separate theme at the panel discussion The Eastern European Partners "Going East, West, or Nowhere?"

A moderator of the discussion was Bruce Jackson, the President of Project on Transitional Democracies. Kostantyn Gryshchenko, Ukrainian Minister of Foreign Affairs, member of the US Congress Michael Turner and Natallia Kaliada took part in the discussion.

"As sanctions against the Lukashenko's regime were introduced on the day of arrival of the Belarusian delegation, we thanked Baroness Ashton for that step, but explained the EU should be even more strong and apply tough measures to release political prisoners. Asked by Bruce Jackson what sanctions should be imposed, Natallia Kaliada said That Europe should understand the dictatorship in Belarus will be strengthening anyway and that's why adequate measures should be applied. Natallia Kaliada presented an action plan for the world community in relation to Belarus:

1. Everything what is already done in relation to the Belarusian regime did not produce the desired result (to release political prisoners). Boundaries and rules need to be broken. As Vaclav Havel once said: "Politics is the art of the impossible."

2. Actions should be taken in time. In January 2011, Catherine Ashton said it was an issue of some days to impose EU sanctions on the Belarusian regime, as the United States did. We welcome the sanctions introduced, but they were imposed to the full extent only 13 months later. Had they been introduced in time, probably, all political prisoners would have been released, a metro bombing would not have happened and two young men Dmitriy Konovalov and Vladislav Kovalev (who possibly were not guilty) would not have been executed.

3. No dialogue or involving the authorities into cooperation with the EU can be discussed until all political prisoners are released and rehabilitated!

4. Old and stable democracies (such as Germany, the UK, France) should explain to new European democracies (such as Lithuania, Latvia, Bulgaria and Slovenia) that a construction of a hotel in Belarus is not worth the lives of political prisoners.

5. Think globally. If Belarus supplies weapons to Syria and Iran, it cannot be viewed outside of the global process.

6. A decision on issuing free EU visas to Belarusians should be taken in consideration to give them a possibility to compare what can be better: moving to the East or to the West, and at least, feeling the support from Europe at this minimum level.

7. If you think you did everything possible for Belarus, ask yourselves: "Were bodies of the kidnapped opposition members found? Was the death penalty abolished? Were political prisoners released?"

8. If Europe wants to position itself as a Union being rather ambitious to solve the problems of Syria and Iran, it should solve the Belarusian issue first. Belarus is in the heart of Europe.

Talking about sanctions we paid attention to imposing an embargo on oil products and expelling Belarusian ambassadors from European capitals as one of the variant of applying further pressure on the Belarusian authorities," Natallia Kaliada said.

Mikalai Statkevich Who is in Jail is Re-Sentenced to 3 Years in Prison

It is just a carte blanche to lawlessness, permissiveness and impunity.

It is not enough anymore for the Belarusian regime to put people in jail, they want to destroy, to kill political opponents.

What caused that Statkevich who is in jail already to be re-sentenced to 3 years in prison? Why did the authorities are in no hurry to release political prisoners? The answer is simple. Andrey Sannikov and Mikalai Statkevich were two most promising presidential candidates. And Aleksandr Lukashenko knows about it. He got only 38% in the first round of the election and all opposition candidates got 42%. Sannikov and Statkevich were the most promising candidates with about 15-20% of votes.

That's why he hates them so much! Because if it was a real democratic honest second round of presidential election back in December 2010 he would be kicked out from his post in no time by Sannikov or Statkevic. Because both of them have got support of most of the Belarusian people. That's why a bloodthirsty dictator Lukashenko wants to kill them in 2012 one way or the other and crash all the rest of the political prisoners.

What is different this time, this year is that dictator Lukashenko is not alone in his bloodthirstiness. He has an eldest son and his name is Victor Lukashenko. Almost nobody knows nothing about this young dictator. He is 36 and he is appointed as an Assistant to the President of Belarus on National Security. And this year 2012 the position of Victor Lukashenko was strengthened by the KGB and the Border Committee, then through the Information Analysis Center (or Cyber Security Center), and now through the Investigation Committee which was created in November last year. So everything is now passing into the hands of Viktor Lukashenko and his team.

That's why on January 12, 2012 a former presidential candidate Mikalai Statkevich stood trial in a penal colony in Shklou and was re-sentenced to 3 years in prison.

An initiative of the colony authorities to toughen confinement conditions for the former presidential candidate was heard at the trial. Colony authorities say Mikalai Statkevich does not mend his way and that's why he should be transferred to a facility with stricter confinement conditions - a closed prison.

An official ground for accusing Statkevich was absence of a label with his number on his clothes and failure to include handkerchiefs in the list of his personal possessions, the wife of the politician said.

The real cause for toughening confinement conditions was principled position of Statkevich, who did not admit his guilt and does not want to apply to Lukashenko for a pardon.

Last spring, the former presidential candidate was found guilty of organizing mass disorders on December 19, 2010 (which is a total lie) and sentenced to 6-year imprisonment.

Mikalai Statkevich looked good during the trial and took the sentence bravely with a smile.

His wife, Maryna Adamovich, says the decision of the judge was unfair, but she expected it. The woman says she did not hope for a better decision. "Justice died long time ago in Belarus," she said. The trial was conducted by Judge Volkau from Shklou.

Human Rights Activist Harry Pahanyaila gave his comment on transferring former presidential candidate Mikalai Statkevich from a penal colony in Shklou to prison No. 4 in Mahillou.

"There have not been cases of transferring an inmate from a penal colony to a prison. The case of Mikalai Statkevich is the first one. Medium and maximum security penal colonies differ from a prison only by confinement conditions. A prison supposes limited number of meetings, restrictions in correspondence. An inmate has the right to spend one basic unit of money per month, he cannot receive parcels. Calls to relatives are allowed only in exceptional cases. Confinement conditions are tougher than in ordinary penitentiaries. As a rule, prisons are for persons, who repeatedly violated prison rules and regulations, or for dangerous special criminals for the first five years of imprisonment," Radio Svaboda quotes Harry Pahanyaila.

Harry Pahanyaila says the prison has cells for two, three or four inmates, but there are not strict rules. "They may hold a prisoner in solitary confinement. It depends on availability of cells and the prison authorities. Confinement conditions are tougher, daily routine is strictly regulated there. Any disobedience is punished. To be short, conditions there are definitely worse," the human rights activist summed up.

As the member of the Human Rights Center "Spring" Valentin Stefanovich noticed: "If you look in general at what is happening with political prisoners in Belarus, we regard it solely as a pressure on the prisoners for their possible greater isolation and deteriorating terms of punishment. We are very concerned that the authorities can use the Article 411 against political prisoners when people who are still prosecuted can be punished with a new prosecution for minor violations of the regime in jail. What is happening with Sannikov, Dashkevich, Bondarenko, Statkevich, shows that for the dictatorship is not enough anymore just to put people in jail. Lukashenko's regime wants to destroy them physically and mentally. This is very serious and ufortunately opportunities to help the political prisoners are quite limited. Authorities, for example, blatantly do not allow lawyers to see Andrey Sannikov. It's just a carte blanche to lawlessness, permissiveness and impunity."

According to the leader of the "Just World" Sergei Kalyakin, a new sentence to Statkevich is a revenge of the authorities (and Lukashenko personally) for what he said during the presidential election back in 2010 and then behaved bravely in prison, and the government was unable to break him.

Political Prisoners in Belarus 2011-2013

Protests in Minsk Near Main Train Station in Summer 2011

Help to Free Belarus From Dictator Lukashenko & His Bandits!

Belarus - Zero Roubles - No One Goes Unpunished in Belarus!

Belarus - Zero Roubles - No One Goes Unpunished in Belarus!

Starting from April 28, 2011 illegitimate president of Belarus - the pretender Lukashenko signed a decree (number 666) which introduced a new monetary unit in his country which is called ZERO RUBLES. Also the same decree prohibited the celebration of the Independence Day in Belarus - July 3. No more holidays. This particular holiday was sold to Russia for $ 3 billion.

The new currency starts circulating in Belarus today. For this currency it's possible to buy anything Belarusian people do not want and do not need: a new president, a new government, a new Constitution & Law, human rights, democracy and progress ...

The events of the first four months of 2011 - a currency crisis, rising prices, a terrorist attack did not add any new popularity to an old Head of State. And, apparently, the problems in economy will grow. One gets the impression that the regime begins to lose control over the situation. In this situation, any alternative information it seems dangerous. Reaction to what is happening was scream from the government:
"Everyone - be silent!"

The last opposition newspapers "Nasha Niva" and "Narodnaya Volya" (People's Will) probably will be closed soon. And "cleansing" of the Internet has been started before and after of so called terrorist attack. Here comes a tipping to all mass media in Belarus: there is only one point of view - official ...

In a nutshell it can be described as simple: "more dictatorship and less and less the rule of law." As Lukashenko once mentioned: "excessive democracy explains the recent explosion in the subway". On Wednesday, April 27th, Minsk courts confirmed Lukashenko's words with practical solutions. One of the leaders of the opposition Dmitry Bondarenko was sentenced to two years in prison for organizing
December's meeting in protest against unfair re-election of Lukashenko.

Seven other former presidential candidates can be sentenced up to 10 years in prison. Wife of the presidential candidate Andrei Sannikov, journalist Irina Khalip will appear before judge on May 11th in Zavodskoi district of Minsk. The same day the other former presidential candidate - Nikolai Statkevich will be sentenced. Trial date will be another gift of the dictator Lukashenko to little Danik - son of ex-presidential candidate Andrei Sannikov and Irina Khalip. On May 15th Danik is going to celebrate his 4 years birthday. Judicial murder of his father Andrei Sannikov began yesterday on April 27th, 2011.

The plan of the dictator Lukashenko and his police regime is to pass severe sentences to the following SEVEN presidential candidates: Andrei Sannikov, Vladimir Neklliaev, Aleksei Mikhalevich (at present time he is in Czech Republic), Vladimir Nekliaev, Vitaly Rymashevsky, Nikolai Statkevich, and Dmitry Uss and then start bargaining with the West.

By harsh sentences the regime can show its uncompromising stand against any kind of alternative thinking. Dictator Lukashenko and his gang want to make it clear this time that no one would go unpunished in Belarus, so no one would fancy taking to the streets to protest. And the rest would happen as a backstage game with the West. We remember what was happening with Aleksander Kazulin, who was released from jail in 2008 and it thawed the relations between Belarus and Europe. There's nothing new in Lukashenko's game. He is not so smart to make it different.

So should economic sanctions be imposed on businesses of Lukashenka's family and friends?
94% of Belarusians say "Yes".

Deadly Blast Rocks Minsk Subway On April 11, 2011

MINSK, BELARUS

Police in Belarus carried out spot checks on roads and at stations and airports on Tuesday after a bomb blast tore through a crowded metro station in the capital Minsk on Monday evening, killing at least 12 people.

The defence ministry said 204 people were in hospital, 26 of them in a serious condition, after the rush-hour blast at one of Minsk's busiest underground rail junctions close to the presidential headquarters.

President Alexander Lukashenko, the autocratic leader who has led the ex-Soviet country since 1994, said on Monday night the explosion was an attempt to destabilize the country.

Authorities did not say who was behind the explosion - a rare act of wanton violence in the tightly policed country.

The explosive device, which had been packed with metal balls and had a strength equivalent to 5-7 kgs of TNT, was apparently left under a platform bench. About 300 people were on the spot when it exploded as a train came into the station, Interior Minister Anatoily Kuleshov said.

Lukashenko, who is at odds with the West over his authoritarian rule, linked the explosion to a previous unsolved blast in 2008, saying: "I do not rule out that this was a gift from abroad."

"These are perhaps links in a single chain," he said, referring to a blast in July 2008 when a home-made bomb wounded about 50 people at an open air concert he was attending. The 2008 crime was never solved.

Belarus's state security service put the death toll at 12 after the death of one injured person overnight. Wednesday was declared an official day of mourning.

The metro blast occurred as Belarus struggles with a damaging run on foreign currency which has prompted panic-buying.

Central Bank foreign currency reserves are at their lowest in two years and there is no new credit deal with the International Monetary Fund in sight.

"UNDERMINING STABILITY"

Lukashenko vowed on Monday to turn the country "inside-out" to find those responsible for the attack.

Lukashenko's re-election for a fourth term in December led to street protests that were broken up by police.

Belarus shares borders with EU members Poland, Latvia and Lithuania, and with Russia and Ukraine.

One opposition figure said he feared Lukashenko would use the blast to crack down even more harshly on political rivals.

"Prosecutors qualify this as a terrorist act," a source in Lukashenko's administration told Reuters.

A former state-farm boss, Lukashenko has ruled Belarus with an iron fist, jailing opponents and muzzling independent media while offering generous welfare and pensions to his citizens on the back of Russian subsidies.

FLOWERS AND CANDLES

Monday's blast took place at around 6 p.m. at the Oktyabrskaya metro station - Minsk's busiest - about 100 metres (yards) from Lukashenko's main headquarters.

On Tuesday there was a reduced service running on Minsk's metro network and a heavy police presence at many stations.

People placed flowers and candles at the entry to Oktyabrskaya station in memory of the dead.

"I have a feeling of sadness and painful anger. This should not have happened to us. We are not the sort of country where this sort of thing happens," said Valentin Lepen, aged 70.

"My first feeling was fear and a sense of vulnerability because none of us are safe against this sort of thing," said Yuri Elensky.

"We are in shock. Nobody thought that anything like this could happen in Minsk, anywhere but here," said Natalya, 28.

The EU and the United States have imposed a travel ban on Lukashenko and his closest associates because of the Dec. 19 crackdown. He has said the opposition rally was an attempted coup financed by the West.

The Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe monitors said the vote count was flawed and criticized police for being heavy-handed. The remarks angered Minsk, which forced the OSCE to close down its office there.

In typical combative style, Lukashenko hit back, defending the police, dismissing members of the opposition as being bent on "banditry" and denouncing the OSCE verdict as "amoral".

"Regardless of who organized and ordered the blast, the government will be tempted to use it as an excuse to tighten the screws... I am afraid they will use it," said Anatoly Lebedko, leader of the opposition United Civic Party.

Fascism is on the Rise in Belarus - in the Heart of Europe

Minsk, Belarus

On February 9, 2011 in Minsk, Belarus dictator Lukashenko has awarded five chief policemen for beating badly peaceful protesters on December 19, 2010. Five members of the Minsk militia were presented with the letters of appreciation with his signature. These letters were awarded to Colonel Igor Evseev, colonel Alexander Lukomskiy, colonel Victor Skurat, major Sergey Ivanov and Roman Kadin.

"At this crucial historical period, it is very important for me to lean on support of people like you - a true patriots, caring and loyal with warm hearts. Thank you for civic courage and active position in life "- says the message of the dictator in the letters of appreciation.

Meantime the Case of the Mass Protests in Minsk on December 19, 2010 (Bloody Sunday, as they call this day in Belarus) continues to grow as a snowball. On the list of defendants already 43 people, including seven ex-presidential candidates. Three former contestants - Andrey Sannikov, Aleksei Mikhalevich and Nikolai Statkevich still under arrest in KGB prison. Searches and arrests in Belarus continue every day. KGB investigators had already visited many opposition activists several times.

Human rights activists have told of torture and violence against opposition. On February 9th, 2011 Experts of the International Observation Mission Committee of International Control Over Human Rights situation in Belarus announced the results of the evidence-research conducted on the basis of information received from 205 people in Minsk from January 3rd to January 21st, 2011. The study analyzed 205 questionnaires answered by respondents who have been detained in the course of public action on the night of 19th to 20th of December 2010. Respondents' age from 18 to 61 years, 43 of them - women, 162 - men.

Experts assert with confidence that "the officials used violence and brutality in detentions. Violence has been applied to every fourth detainee and the acts of violence were accompanied by insults and humiliation of detainees. " It should be noted that most detainees were not resisting arrests, showing willingness to comply with the procedure of the arrest by policemen. At the same time representatives of the authorities in every sixth case of participation in the arrest did not have badges, and their faces were concealed under black masks.

Violation of judicial proceedings in administrative cases of detainees can be considered mainstream. Almost all so-called trials lasted an average of 5 to 15 minutes, while most of the detainees have never had a chance to defend themselves.

Judges conducted trials with many serious procedural violations under close doors. Lawyers hired by detainees' families were not admitted to the trials along with family members, journalists and the public. Judges refused to examine witnesses for the defense, and did not provide detainees with the explanation of the procedure to appeal their decisions.

Conditions of administrative detainees in all institutions, where they were, in many cases can be considered derogatory to human dignity. The cells were overcrowded, they were cold, ventilation was weak, the lighting was poor, and the amount of beds, bed linen and toiletries was not adequate. Drinking water was not provided, the quality of food was very low, the use of shower and exercise yards has been severely restricted and insufficient to maintain a normal lifestyle, and restrooms were poorly equipped in terms of privacy. Detention staff was very rude and partially plundered transmissions sent to detainees.

The general conclusion on the facts and the analysis can be summarized as follows: Authority of the Republic of Belarus were not ready for such mass actions of protest and failed to secure the rights and freedoms of people of the Republic of Belarus at the time of detention, during the trial and at keeping them in prison.

Searches and arrests in Belarus continue every day. KGB investigators had already visited many opposition activists several times.

European Union denied entry to 158 high-ranking Belarusian officials, including illegitimate president Lukashenko and his two sons - Viktor and Dmitry. But many international experts were disappointed: Europe did not introduce economic sanctions. U.S. will try to convince the EU to introduce against the Lukashenko regime and economic sanctions. Washington convinced that the dictator and the people around him earn huge money in oil companies deals.

In terms of the EU visa ban, the new register covers illegitimate president Aleksander Lukashenko and his two adult sons: Dmitriy and Viktor. Thirty-year-old Dmitriy is said in the EU documents to have "active participation in financial operations involving the Lukashenko family." He also runs the Presidential Sports Club.

What is interesting is that Yuriy Sivakov, a man suspected of mass-scale money laundering for so called president Alexander Lukashenko, has been quietly left out of a EU asset-freeze on the Belarusian nomenclature as Andrew Rettman mentioned in his article in EuroObserver.

According to Mr. Rettman "The Russian-born 64-year-old, a former Belarusian interior minister, appeared on the EU radar in 2004 when a Council of Europe investigation said he was part of a "death squad" (together with another former official Dmitriy Pavlichenko) that murdered four dissidents. He no longer holds office. But a leaked US cable from 2007 reports that in 2006 he ran a company called Chyest which laundered $1.5 million a day of bribery and extortion money via banks in Poland, Russia and the US on behalf of the Lukashenko´s family."

Dictator Lukashenko has studiously pretended that no sanctions undermine his authority and threatened to retaliate. On February 7th, 2011 the dictator took a short-term one week vacation and went to Sochi - a city-resort in southern Russia.

However, even official statistics have to admit that 2010 was the worst in economic history of Belarus from the perspective of the trade deficit. The trade deficit for 2010 amounted to 9 billion 642.3 million dollars (in 2009 it was $7 billion 264.8 million).

At the end of this article I would like to remind my readers that On October 6, 2004 US Congress passed the Belarus Democracy Act of 2004 (H.R. 854)  sponsored by Representative Chris Smith (R-NJ) and others, to fund a broad range of measures to support democracy in Belarus. Although this is a beginning, the executive branch and Congress need to do more. Specifically, they should:

1. - Denounce publicly Lukashenko's violations of the constitution and electoral procedures, and the State Department should amplify its criticism of Belarus' flawed political system.

2. - Declare, with the EU, that the referendum, parliamentary and presidential elections are illegitimate if observers from the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe find election falsification or other violations.

3. - Use domestic and international law enforcement agencies, such as Interpol, in cooperation with EU members, to coordinate criminal investigations into homicides, money laundering, and illegal arms trading linked to the Lukashenko´s regime.

4. - Investigate the disappearances of Lukashenko's political opponents, provided there is a jurisdictional nexus to the U.S. and/or Europe. Both the U.S. Justice Department and its European counterparts can do so. Moreover, Europe and the U.S. could initiate criminal proceedings against those in the president's circle who ordered and participated in the murder of opposition politicians and journalists.

5. - Seize assets of Lukashenka and his inner circle through criminal proceedings against illegal arms sales and money laundering operations if Belarus violated U.S. or international sanctions. The U.S. and EU would be entitled to enforce such sanctions even if the violations did not occur in America or Europe.

6. - Fund, together with the EU, an international broadcasting operation by opposition radio and television stations from countries around Belarus, and expand people-to-people and educational exchanges.

7. - Consult with Russia regarding possible political changes that would make Belarus more democratic and predictable. Such a coordinated effort would benefit Russia by making the transit route for Russian gas to Europe less prone to Lukashenko's interference and would eliminate the need for Russia to support the Belarusian economy with subsidized natural gas at a cost of over $2 billion per year.

Almost SEVEN(!) years have passed since the Belarus Democracy Act of 2004 was adopted and stayed only on paper with NO or little actions. 

Meantime fascism is rising steadily in Belarus in the heart of Europe.