Почему белорусские студенты бегут из страны

• ЕЛЕНА СПАСЮК, NAVINY.BY
 
• 30.11.2016

Ежегодно учиться за рубеж уезжает в два раза больше белорусских студентов, чем в Беларусь приезжает иностранцев.

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Успешно конкурируя с другими странами по ценам на образование, Беларусь проигрывает в его качестве и перспективах, которые может дать белорусский диплом.

Кто уезжает, куда уезжает

В Беларуси есть фобия в отношении Болонского процесса, считает член Общественного Болонского комитета Павел Терешкович. Мол, «стоит чуть-чуть приоткрыть калитку, то есть начать реализовывать программы мобильности, и молодежь побежит из страны так, что пятки засверкают».

Однако и до вступления страны в Болонский процесс белорусские студенты уезжали за границу. Согласно данным ЮНЕСКО, количество белорусских студентов, обучающихся за рубежом, увеличилось с 2001-го по 2015 год более чем в пять раз. Сейчас за рубежом обучается более 35 тысяч белорусских студентов.

Наша страна занимает 93-е место по количеству населения и 20-е по абсолютному числу обучающихся за рубежом. «Мы чуть-чуть отстали от Пакистана», — сказал Терешкович.

На 10 тысяч населения Беларуси приходится 37 студентов, обучающихся за рубежом. Для сравнения: в России — 3,4, в Украине — 9,3, в Молдове — 38, Литве — 42, Туркменистане — 52.

Большинство белорусских студентов — более 30 тысяч, получающих образование за границей, учатся в России. Это объясняется, в первую очередь, географической и языковой близостью. Также у молодых белорусов популярны Польша и Литва.

Массовый выезд белорусских студентов на учебу в Россию во многом связан с тем, что с 2008 года эта страна активно продвигает свои образовательные услуги и ежегодно предоставляет 15 тысяч бюджетных мест для иностранных студентов, отметил Терешкович.

Увеличилось количество белорусских студентов и в Восточной Европе, например, удвоилось их количество в Чехии. При этом сократилось количество студентов из Беларуси во Франции, США и Германии. Особой политической подоплеки здесь нет, сказал Терешкович. Например, в 2011 году, когда в Беларуси были массовые отчисления студентов после президентских выборов 2010 года, число обучающихся за рубежом наших соотечественников увеличилось всего лишь на 16%.

Каждый студент уезжает по своим причинам. Кто-то едет за лучшим качеством образования, перспективами, другие — чтобы избежать обязательного распределения.

Член общественного Болонского комитета Владимир Дунаев отметил, что «институт распределения приобретает все более уродливые формы и становится все более абсурдным», так как государство сегодня не в состоянии обеспечить рабочие места выпускникам.

Кроме того, права выпускников платной и бесплатной форм обучения не равны, хотя должны быть таковыми, отметил Владимир Дунаев. И те, и другие должны иметь право на первое рабочее место и льготы при трудоустройстве, предусмотренные для молодых специалистов.

Кто приезжает

Въездной поток формируют студенты из Центральной и Восточной Азии, Большинство студентов-иностранцев — граждане Туркменистана. Количество граждан Китая среди студентов-иностранцев приближается к 10%.

Как считает Владимир Дунаев, иностранные студенты в Беларуси рассматриваются в первую очередь как источника дофинансирования системы образования в условиях дефицита средств.

«Это актуально, — сказал Владимир Дунаев, — так как численность студентов в целом в стране сокращается. Демографическая яма привела к серьезному уменьшению поступлений от студентов».

«Мечта об иностранных студентах, особенно китайских, есть не только у белорусских ректоров, но и у европейских, — отметил Дунаев. — Во многом вступление нашей страны в Болонский процесс было связано с желанием привлечь как можно больше иностранных студентов в Беларусь, продемонстрировав мировой общественности, что мы являемся частью Европейского пространства высшего образования».

Однако, подчеркивает эксперт, в Беларуси надо думать о том, чтобы система образования была привлекательна для собственных студентов, «которые сейчас голосуют против системы, уезжая за рубеж».

«...побежали, но вовремя остановились»

Интернационализация высшего образования Беларуси является составляющей наших обязательств по выполнению дорожной карты реформирования высшей школы. Беларусь должна развивать мобильность научно-педагогического персонала и студентов.

Для студента это стажировки и обучение за рубежом. Однако у белорусских вузов сегодня просто нет средств, чтобы обеспечивать своим студентам заграничные поездки.

Существует также необходимость получать разрешения на поездки за рубеж в Министерстве образования. Как отметила член Общественного Болонского комитета Татьяна Кузина, многие студенты и преподаватели еще на этапе сбора документов отказываются от поездок, опасаясь бюрократических проволочек.

Татьяна Кузина подчеркнула, что в целом Беларусь не может следовать дорожной карте избирательно: «Выполнять необходимо все ее положения». Пока же, согласно исследованию Общественного Болонского комитета, положения дорожной карты для Беларуси реализованы не более чем на 10%.

Но будет ли Минобразования эффективно создавать условия для реализации положений дорожной карты, если глава государства публично подвергает сомнению необходимость участия страны в Болонском процессе?

Напомним, Александр Лукашенко 17 ноября на пресс-конференции в Минске для представителей российских региональных СМИ сформулировал свою точку зрения по поводу вступления Беларуси в Болонский процесс таким образом:

«Упаси вас господь! Мы за вами (за Россией — БелаПАН) побежали, но вовремя остановились, за каким-то Болонским процессом... Добежимся до того, что потеряем образование в угоду Западу. Они приезжают к нам и завидуют: у нас хорошее образование. А мы рвемся в Болонский процесс. Некоторые нас предупреждают: не делайте этого. Те добрые люди, которые неполитизированные, не политики. А мы уже там. Мы за вами туда вступили — эта магистратура, бакалавриат. Мы их приспособили к нашему образованию, не стали ломать образование. Слава богу, если поняли, что не туда побежали, остановились».

Беларусь не могла бы вступить в Болонский процесс, если бы глава государства это не одобрил, отметил Владимир Дунаев. Критическое же отношение Лукашенко к этой теме можно объяснить необходимостью подыгрывать электорату. «Правитель понимает, что белорусы действительно устали от реформ в образовании, которые с советских времен создавали людям много проблем», — отметил Владимир Дунаев.

Однако, сказал он, выполнение положений дорожной карты — это международные обязательства Беларуси. Причем ответственность за выполнение будет нести не Министерство образования, а правительство в целом.

Елена Спасюк, naviny.by

Ukraine Cannot Win Alone!

November 7th, 2014

 

The Belarusians and Ukrainians are natural allies in the struggle against Putin and Lukashenka.
Coordinator of the civil campaign European Belarus Dmitri Bondarenko and editor-in-chief of charter97.org Natallia Radina visited Kyiv to take part in the press-conference held by the information agency Glavkom and moderated by head of its press-center Natalia Malinovskaya. According to Bondarenko and Radina, Belarusians and Ukrainians are natural allies in the fight against Putin and Lukashenka.

- How would you comment Lukashenka’s role in the Russian-Ukrainian conflict? We know that you are skeptical about Lukashenka’s contributions as a “peacemaker”. Have you changed your opinion after your arrival to Kyiv?

Natallia Radina: No, I haven’t. It would be a great mistake to expect something from Lukashenka, simply because Ukraine’s new government were elected in a democratic manner, while Lukashenka is a dictator. In the country where his dictator regime rules politicians are murdered, political prisoners are kept in jails, prisoners of consciousness are tortured. Dmitri Bondarenko here spent a year and a half in a Belarusian prison, he can tell you more about it.

It is weird that democratic Ukraine chooses allies like Lukashenka. Don’t forget, Lukashenka is Kremlin’s marionette. He lets Russia keep its troops and weapons in Belarus. He is a very dangerous and cunning neighbor, not an ally. In the situation when Russia and Ukraine are at war, he is looking for certain dividends for himself.

- Is it Lukashenka’s time to shine now when Europe is willing to cooperate with him?

Natallia Radina: A similar situation already happened in 2008 during the Russian-Georgian war when Lukashenka was selling his position on Southern Ossetia and Abkhazia to Russia and Europe at the same time. He didn’t recognize these territories as independent states, and in return he got loans from the EU which saved his dictator regime from a collapse. The economic situation in Belarus was catastrophic back then.

- Today Ukraine suffers attacks by Russia. Is it plausible that Lukashenka will change the way he treats dissidents if he realizes that he can be the next victim?

Dmitri Bondarenko: Unfortunately, this is an illusionary hope. The dictator will remain, while people who we hoped would become democratic leaders leave. One of the reasons behind this are the mistakes in foreign and home politics. I mean Lukashenka’s lobbyists Mikhail Saakashvili and Viktor Yuschenko.
Unfortunately, during the past 20 years we have been through that many times. New diplomats and foreign ministers arrive to Minsk. Nearly all of them naively hope to change Lukashenka, but you cannot change someone who is so determined to keep their power at any cost.

At the same time, Lukashenka’s regime exists at Moscow’s expense. The financial aid from Russia, such as low oil and gas prices, combined with debts that the regime will never pay back, amount to 5-10 billion dollars annually. While previously the Russian empire in the form of the USSR could support dozens of pseudo-communist regimes at once, today its resources are enough for only one “brotherly” dictatorship. Russia cannot do more, and Lukashenka takes advantage of this situation.

- Given that Lukashenka will never change, can there be a Belarusian Maidan?

Natallia Radina: There will certainly be a Belarusian Maidan. Ukraine’s example has showed that regimes like Lukashenka’s or Yanukovich’s leave no other option of power transmission. The question is when the Belarusian Maidan will happen. But it is obvious that even Belarus will see an escalation.
However, there is one problem: the Belarusians are fooled by the Russian propaganda. Russian TV-channels are broadcast all over Belarus. During two decades, Lukashenka has been destroying independent media, and today we suffer the results of his politics. Basically, today the Belarusians trust Russian media more than the Belarusian propaganda and consider Putin to be a lesser evil than Lukashenka.

- This is actually very sad…

Natallia Radina: I would not put it this way. Masks are off. The way Putin’s regime treats Ukraine demonstrates their imperial nature and ambitions. There is hope that Europe will finally wake up and realize how dangerous the situation in our region has become and how close the world is to getting a new USSR, or even worse – a new Russian Empire. Putin supports the marionette regimes of Belarus, Southern Ossetia, Abkhazia and Transnistria and is trying to install a similar regime in Ukraine.

- I am not convinced that Europe will ever wake up. Half of the countries there have been bought, some are too engaged in their games, and some simply don’t care because they are only minor players on the global stage.

Natallia Radina: But let’s not forget about oil prices, a crucial factor.

- Let’s hope so. I often say that the Ukrainian events show the entire world how not to do. We are trying to build a new Ukraine, which is why I would like to hear a third opinion about the mistakes that we have already made when building the new country?

Dmitri Bondarenko: As the majority of normal people around the world, we admire Ukraine, your people’s courage and will that you have showed at the Maidan and in the struggle against the direct aggression of Russia.

During the collapse of the USSR it was clear that communism is bad, and that we need to help the countries that want to get rid of this ideology. Today, Ukraine is a lone fighter, which, too, can be seen as a mistake. Charter97.org and other independent Belarusian media built an incredibly strong interest for Ukraine. Hundreds of our activists were at the Maidan during the “orange” revolution and at the Euromaidan in 2013-2014.

What has each Maidan given us? Ukraine’s new leader hugging with our dictator, something that would never happen in the times of the Polish Solidarnosc. Poland transmitted the light of freedom on other countries, and new Polish leaders worked with dissidents from Czechoslovakia, Hungary and Eastern Germany. Poland showed a strong political example.

What do we see in Ukraine? We see Maidan leaders hugging with dictators and having business relations with dictators. Real-politik in action. Yushchenko’s friends were Kaddafi and Lukashenka. With such actions, your powers trigger periods of depression in Belarus.

During the Maidan, official Belarusian media poured loads of dirt on the Ukrainians who rebelled against the dictatorship while the democratic powers took the Maidan’s part. However, when Ukrainian leaders come to power, they tend to forget about Belarusian democrats and bow to Lukashenka. Why isn’t any of them speaking about our political prisoners? Why does the country that has signed the Association Agreement with the European Union lets an EU-blacklisted person across its border?

This is the mistake. Ukraine cannot win alone, even with all its might and tragedy. Our countries have been together for thousands of years. Together we were suppressed by the empire, together we should free ourselves. Only a free democratic European Belarus can be a friend of free democratic Ukraine.

Should we bet on the dictator? This is a test for us. Where is Saakashvili? Where is Yushchenko? They say that Poroshenko has to put out the fire. His predecessors, too, had to “put out the fire”, but a quick look at the recent statistics shows that tobacco supplies from Belarus to Ukraine grew 40 times. Can there be a connection to your open borders with the EU? Supplies of alcohol grew 8 times.

We are not trying to criticize your home politics, the purpose of our visit to Kyiv is to check what we can learn from the Ukrainians. Moreover, we want to remind that the control over the power should include both home and foreign affairs, because a cooperation with dictators affects the free Ukraine’s image.

- The negotiations in Minsk will continue, won’t they? It will take months until the conflict in the East is settled. It is impossible to cut off all diplomatic contacts between independent Ukraine and the dictator.

Dmitri Bondarenko: there is one simple thing. When Poland’s foreign minister Radoslaw Sikorski or German foreign minister Guido Westerwelle came to Belarus, they met with representatives from the authorities and the opposition. When the leaders of the new government (and previously - the leaders of the “orange” government) visit Minsk, they never meet with Belarusian democrats and families of the political prisoners. It causes huge reputational damage.
It is true that now in the wartime Minsk offers a platform for negotiations; however, European democratic politics should follow certain standards.

Natallia Radina: Speaking about Minsk as a platform for negotiations, we can clearly see that all agreements are simply disregarded. I have heard different points of view, some meaning that Belarus was the only place to meet because the separatists cannot travel to Geneva and Kazakhstan’s government refused to act as an intermediary.

However, who is it that Kuchma is negotiating with in Minsk? Putin’s puppets? This is completely meaningless. Putin is determined to continue his aggressive politics. For him, the negotiations in Minsk are a little break before the next attack.

- Who benefits most from the negotiations in Minsk?

Natallia Radina: Definitely Lukashenka. This person has always been an international scapegoat. Previously he used the Russian-Georgian war and now he is using the Russian-Ukrainian war to pop up to the global arena as a jack-in-the-box. Lukashenka has deeply rooted psychological complexes. For him, it is crucial to be a politician of a global level. And he exploits your tragedy to 100%.

Trust me, he doesn’t give a damn about Ukraine or the Ukrainian people. Just look at what he is doing: every public statement that comes from Lukashenka is full of contradictions. In one sentence, he praises Ukraine; in another, he gives compliments to Russia. This deep split makes him a political puppet led by the Kremlin puppeteers. Trust me, he will betray Ukraine whenever it is in his interests.

Moreover, Lukashenka has made Belarus a transit and smuggling zone that European goods cross on their way to Russia avoiding sanctions. In fact, he earns tons of money that land in his pocket. For Lukashenka, it is crucial to have the status of a “negotiator” and “peacemaker”, although in reality he is a businessman who earns money on the Ukrainian blood.

- Indeed, the image of ”dictator-peacemaker” is something new. The world hasn’t seen it before… Soon it’s time for elections in Ukraine. What is your evaluation of our electoral campaign?

Dmitry Bondarenko: despite all the problems and the ongoing war, Ukraine is transforming into a democratic state. We envy you. In Belarus, independent media disappeared for a long time ago. The majority of Belarusians hate Lukashenka and are tired from this life, but without media, the communication is one-way.

Meanwhile, the Ukrainian society is alive. We see your electoral campaign in the streets and in the media. Of course, different media can have different angles and different stakeholders, but this is democracy. We want to wish you luck. The situation in Belarus is different.

I hope that the new Supreme Rada will be better than the present because your powers will change completely. This is crucial for Ukraine, both nationally and internationally. The country will have a legitimate president and a legitimate parliament. You have civil control over the powers. This is a huge step forward. Ukraine is a regional power with a huge potential. I would like to see your spirit of freedom spreading to Belarus and other countries.

Natallia Radina: I hope that Ukraine’s new parliament will be more selective in its contacts than the previous Supreme Rada, and that they will not begin with establishing a relation with the illegitimate Belarusian parliament. Don’t forget that there are no legally elected deputies or parliament in Belarus. Lukashenka has destroyed and subordinated all power institutions in the country. The Belarusian “national gathering” is a puppet structure. In other words, my message to the new Ukrainian deputies is to establish contacts with the democratic Belarus, not with the dictatorship.

ЛУКА МУДЗІШЧАЎ - ПРЭЗЫДЭНТ

Вядзьмак Лысагорскі


Наш прэзідэнт Лука Мудзішчаў
(Даруй нам, Пушкін, вольны тон)
Меў дужа грозныя вусішчы
І надта сіплы барытон.
Ён быў дырэктарам саўгасу –
Надойваў рэкі малака,
Даваў дзяржаве бульбу, мяса…
“Чырвоным панам” быў Лука.
Умела кіраваў? Няўмела?
Хай скажуць курыца і гусь.
Ды думка ў галаве засела:
“Я осчастлівлю Беларусь”.
І вось без дапамогі таты
(Пра тату ён не ўспамінаў)
Лука пралез у дэпутаты,
Трыбуну спрытна асядлаў.
О, наш Лука мастак-прамоўца!
Паслухаць – чысты Цыыэрон!
Па-беларуску ж ані слоўца
Ня ўмеў на мове шпарыць ён.
Хоць, праўда, у Вярхоўнай Залі,
Як БНФ крытыкаваў,
Грымеў Лука: “Яны ка-а-залі!,,”
Пра што казалі – не казаў.
Падохлі сьвіньні. Мруць каровы.
Чым ашчасьлівіць свой народ?
І супраць беларускай мовы
Мудзішчаў аб’явіў паход.
Хоць як падумаць – сьмех дый сорам.
З кім ваяваць Лука гатоў?
Мудзішчаву ж ледзь-ледзь за сорак,
А МОВЕ – тысячы гадоў.
Жрэ беларускія каўбасы,
Па-беларуску ж ні гу-гу.
Ды за такое б папуасы
Яго пусьцілі б на рагу.
Злысеў – так грыз граніт навукі,
Аж дзьве закончыў ВЭ-НЭ-У,
А як узяў уладу ў рукі,
Спыніўся конь. Ні тпру, ні ну.
Затое сябра ён у Боры,
Бо Ельцын “старшій брат родной”.
І ўсе Славянскія Саборы
Ваююць за Луку сьцяной.
Курс геаграфіі асіліў
І ўсяму сьвету далажыў,
Што нарадзіўся ён з Расіяй
На самай-саменькай мяжы.
У паклоне пазваночнік хруснуў
І сьлёзы шчасьця пацяклі.
І стаў Лука надзіва “рюскім”,
Русей за Бору ў Крамлі.
Хоць лысы, але ўсё ж ня Ленін.
Вянец табе – САЎГАСНЫ ДВОР.
І тут лірычным адступленьнем
Аздобіць хочам мы свой твор.
Будзь ты хоць цмокам трохгаловым,
З каронаю на галаве,
Дарэмна зьдзекуешся з МОВЫ –
Яна цябе перажыве.
Яна, цярплівіца сьвятая,
Свой ясназорны пройдзе шлях,
Цябе растопча, не спытае –
А хто там блытаўся ў нагах?
Бо не прывыкла МОВА плакаць,
Стварыла столькі цудаў-дзіў,
Калі шчэ ты за вугал какаць
У мокрых штоніках хадзіў.
Давеку Шкловам застанецца
Наш беларускі горад Шклоў,
Хоць можаш ты сваім указам
Шклоў перайначыць у “Стеклов”.
Бо за цябе (сабе на згубу)
Галасавалі (“слава всем!”)
Не восемдзесят тры, як трубіш,
А пяцьдзесят (і толькі) сем.
Што ж, весяліся. Стаў свой нумар.
Ды знай – прыходзіць, як вясна,
Народны беларускі гумар –
І хохмачкам тваім хана.
Гані людзей у свой фарватар
І разьдзімай, як Сталін, вус,
Галоўны наш русіфікатар,
Галоўны антыбеларус.
Дайшлі да кропкі мы. Да “точкі”,
Як кажаш ты, наш гаваркі.
Цалуй пісклявым дамам шчочкі.
Еш з запаведніка грыбкі.
Мы незалежнасьць сваю цэнім,
Сабе паны мы і князі.
А ты ў расею “на каленях”
Паўзі, як вуж, як смоўж, паўзі.
Тваіх “речей” зубадрабілкі
Абрыдлі. Гэта хоць “поймі”.
Не Беларусь, карову Мілку
Хоць раз уволю накармі.
Вядзьмак Вядзьмарыч Лысагорскі
Свой абвяшчае прыгавор:
“Чым па трыбунах зраньня гойсаць,
Абгарадзі ўласны двор.
Хоць ты кіпіш-гарыш на працы,
Хоць ты адзін “умнее всех”,
Зь цябе народ пачаў сьмяяццца,
Не забароніш гэты сьмех!”
Над Беларусяй вецер сьвішча.
Пасохлі бульба і авёс.
Наш прэзідэнт Лука Мудзішчаў
Садзіцца ў чорны членавоз.
Лука Маскву абагаўляе
І любіць розныя СС.
Ды пра сябе не забывае:
Мяняе “ЗІЛ” на “Мэрсэдэс”.
Дызайн у “Мэрса” адмысловы
І “дзвесьце с лішнім он даёт”,
Сваю ж уласную ахову
Ён пашырае да трохсот.
Народа ён свайго баіцца
І на яго абрушыў гнеў.
Так, ведае Мудзішчаў-гіцаль,
Як кот, чыю сьмятану зьеў.
З Эўропаю Лука ня ладзіць –
“Там незгаворчывый народ”.
І ён свае вусішчы ладзіць,
Як кот на сала, на Ўсход.
Зусім другія там парадкі:
Як скажаш – так таму і быць!
На людзі выйдзеш – б’юць у ладкі,
Гатовы на руках насіць.
На Ўсход Мудзішчаў прылятае,
Наш напаўрускі краснабай.
І хто ж яго там сустракае:
Вялікі хан? А можа – Бай?
Там тытулаў на Усходзе многа:
Хан, бай, басмач ды курбашы.
А ў нашага Лукі – нічога,
Хоць лысіну сваю чашы!
І вось Лука ва Ўзбекістане.
Яго Карымаў – “Мілый брат”.
За руку ў стан свой ханскі цягне,
Напяльвяючы свой халат.
Паўсюль Мудзішчаву пашана:
(Мы гэта кажам без прыкрас)
Ён усьміхаецца з дыванаў,
Насовак, хустак, кубкаў, ваз.
І я скажу без прымхаў ценю:
Ва ўсе бакі, туды, сюды,
Глядзіць, як ёсьць, “дзядуля Ленін”,
Хоць і зусім без барады.
Але ж ні ханам, ані баем
Зрабіць ня могуць там Луку.
Бо той як дзякаваць ня знае:
“Рах-мат”, або “Марс і Баку”.
Ён не вучыў узбецкай мовы.
Яна ж ня з тых “вялікіх двух”.
Яе ня ведаюць каровы,
Не карыстаецца пастух.
Я чуў, як сам казаў “речистый”:
“Я мову не люблю сваю.
Ліш толька нацыаналісты
Яё чытают і пают”.
“Я, - кажа, - прэзідэнт народный”,
кусаючы свой доўгі вус.
“І я яму ведзь бацька родный.
Я – самый вумный беларус”.
Ён гонару занадта мае.
І тут што хочаш напішы,
Але Мудзішчаў атрымае
Адзіны чын: “Манкурт-башы”.
“Дацацкаешся ты, Францішак!” –
Лука мне раптам прыгразіў
І ў момант крымінальны вышук
Па ўсёй краіне аб’явіў.
Загад аб’яўлены паўсюдна,
Знайсці свавольніка, схапіць,
Не патаемна, а прылюдна
Судзіць, а потым пасадзіць.
Сказаў, як пальцам тыкнуў у неба,
Як Лысагорскага шукаць?
Для гэтага, прынамсі, трэба
Партрэт ягоны апісаць.
Але ж Лука мяне ня бачыў.
Маіх паэм ён не чытаў.
Інакш бы гэткую задачу
Ён дэтэктывам не даваў.
Скажу табе. Мудзішчаў, - хваце!
Паменьш спіну сваю ты гні.
За мною не табе ганяцца.
Лепш ты інфляцыю спыні.
Мяне ж яшчэ з ЦК шукалі,
Каб за свавольства пакараць.
Ды самі ўсе даўно прапалі,
Бо немагчыма здань дагнаць.
Тваіх пагроз я не баюся,
Мне паграджаюць цэлы век.
Я і на грошы не куплюся,
Бо не такі я чалавек.
Навошта мне цябе баяцца?
Не, не кіруе мною страх.
Заўсёды я прывык зьяўляцца,
Дзе “плямы белыя” у радках.
Ды надакучыла, прызнацца,
Інкогніта жыць між людзей.
Рашыў патроху раскрывацца
Ваш Лысагорскі-дабрадзей.
Я – Лысагорскі, ды ня лысы.
А ростам за Луку вышэй.
Я – увесь сівы, не белабрысы.
Вусы мае крыху даўжэй.
І голас я ня сіплы маю
(Тут перавага за Лукой).
А што яшчэ дадаць – ня знаю.
Ну што ж, ганяйцеся за мной!
Яшчэ люблю я сваю мову,
Маю Радзіму-Беларусь.
Мудзішчаву ж маё тут слова:
Твая дарога – у хлеў. Аюсь!

Andrei Sannikov: Dismantling of Lukashenka regime has already started

 January 22nd, 2014

 

Repressive means are used to force parties to participate in the municipal elections.

The opinion came from the leader of the European Belarus civic campaign, candidate for president in 2010 Andrei Sannikov in his interview to the charter97.org web-site.

- How would you comment on Lukashenka’s recent statements on political prisoners Ales Bialatski and Mikalaj Statkievich?

- Yet again Lukashenka showed a cynical attitude towards the lives of people and that independent judiciary is totally absent in Belarus. Nevertheless, I am glad that after a long pause the talk started on the release of the leaders of Belarusian civil society.

This became possible, in my opinion, for two reasons. The European Union and the United States remained on principled positions, demanding the release and exoneration of all Belarusian political prisoners. Second, before the Ice Hockey World Championship the dictator wants to make it look like some kind of liberalization is possible in Belarus.

I would like to remind that it is not the matter of liberating people, who committed some kind of crimes, but the liberation of political opponents of the dictatorship, who are absolutely innocent by the norms of international law and Belarusian domestic laws alike.

There are many other political prisoners in prisons today, who need to be immediately released. I have a concern that between the statement and release of the political prisoner much time may pass, that is why Belarusian opposition, human rights activists, European Union institutions should increase pressure on the Lukashenka regime, instead of simply believing the dictator’s promises. Even more so that he promised to release political prisoners as early back as in summer 2011.

- In 2011, when you were in prison, many leaders of opposition parties and movements claimed that they would not participate in any elections, while there were political prisoners in the country. Nevertheless, now they are going to participate in municipal elections. 

- This is an issue of morale. Opposition leaders should differ from Lukashenka, who makes false statements almost every day. The retreat from the principled position has decreased pressure on the authorities and innocent people still remain in prisons.

It is to the advantage of the authorities if alternative candidates participate in their electoral shows. Already now it is possible to tell how many oppositionists will be there in municipal councils – zero, and all, who will be appointed there – are accomplice to the regime, ready to take part in crimes or cover for such crimes.
By their function municipal councils are adjuncts of the vertical, which do not decide anything at all. That is why if someone claims that one should run for municipal elections in order to solve communal problems or fight for clean houses, then local councils are deprived even of such functions.

- The ones running for the elections say that they intend to send the society the message that there are no elections in the country. According to them, the main thing is the legal opportunity “to send their message to voters”.

- Municipal elections are so insignificant and purposeless that I do not even want to speak of them. One should not get dirty for trifles. There are simple rules of a decent person: not to shake hands with scumbags, not to join the BRYU, not to take part in ”elections”.

This is true, in an adequate society parties’ duty is to participate in elections. But what we have is a dictatorship and one should not dance to the authorities’ fiddle. I would advise people to listen to the messages of the parties, but to go vote.

- Is this why the authorities have forbidden boycotting elections, because it is to their advantage if opposition participates in electoral games?

- They were frightened that people did not come to the so-called parliamentary election, and international observers registered the emptiness of the polling stations. The municipal campaign is of no interest for the population at all. By forbidding boycott Lukashenka wants to show the West that there are elections in the country, in which even opposition participates.

Lukashenka’s friends in the EU countries, who make business with the dictator, are interested in at least some manifestations of liberalization in Belarus. But it ended up as usual. Belarusian parties are forced to participate in elections with repressive measures.

The ban on boycott contradicts even the constitution of Lukashenka. The constitution says that each citizen personally decides whether to take part in elections and whom to vote for.

- Yesterday at a press-conference Lukashenka personally urged everyone to participate in municipal elections. Why?

- The answer is obvious: there is no money in the country. Instead of the promised 8.5% GDP growth there is zero. Russia, having promised $15 billion to Yanukovych, limits the subsidies for Lukashenka’s economy. Yet again there is a need to ask the West for money, for which at least some kind of window dressing liberalization is needed.

- Still, what should be done today in such a difficult situation?

- The situation indeed is very difficult, but even in such a situation one can act reasonably. The latest so-called parliamentary campaign showed that people denied creditworthiness to the authorities. One should understand today that the majority of Belarusians stand against Lukashenka as a dictator. This majority should be consolidated, information should be delivered through independent media, self-made media, principled stand.

The release of political prisoners should be main topic everywhere at all times. Even more so that we know what terrible conditions they are in, what kind of pressure they undergo.

I am sure that the real dismantling of the regime is not far ahead. One can say today that neither the political nor the economic model of Lukashenka’s is not working, while Russia does not have enough money to support all the dictatorships. Changes are happening through the region. One should be patient, but act decisively come the right moment.

Support Belarus’s Climb Out From Under Dictatorship!

By Andrei Sannikov, Published: December 26, 2013 in the Washington Post

Andrei Sannikov, leader of the European Belarus civic campaign, is a former presidential candidate and political prisoner in Belarus.

WARSAW

The world’s attention has recently been focused on the brave people of Ukraine, who have held large rallies in support of joining Europe rather than falling into the “embrace” of Russia. But it is also important to remember Ukraine’s northern neighbor Belarus, a country that lies geographically in the heart of Europe but politically is more akin to a Soviet backwater. The majority of its citizens want to be free, but they are repressed by a brutal dictator more ruthless and despotic than Ukrainian President Viktor Yanukovych and Russian President Vladi­mir Putin combined.

As a presidential candidate in Belarus three years ago, I took part in massive demonstrations the size of which my country had not seen for years. In central Minsk, people from all walks of life braved a police state, and the cold, to protest the widespread election fraud by which Belarusan dictator Alexander Lukashenko stole the presidential election. We also backed a future that lies with Europe, not a re-created Soviet Union.

This demonstration of the people’s will scared Lukashenko and his thugs. Riot police brutally broke up our peaceful rally and beat women, senior citizens and anyone else they could reach, evoking images not seen in my country since the end of World War II. I spent that Christmas and the next — altogether more than a year — in a Soviet-era jail as a political prisoner. I was released as a result of a rare demonstration of political will on the part of the European Union, which imposed sanctions on Lukashenko’s financial supporters. However, additional sanctions planned by the European Union didn’t materialize, partly because of intense lobbying by Latvia and Slovenia, and numerous other political prisoners remain in prison in Belarus, including my colleague, presidential candidate Mikalai Statkevich, and human rights defender Ales Bialiatski.

The European Union’s lack of will and strategy in dealing with countries on its periphery began with it turning a blind eye to Lukashenko’s undemocratic consolidation of power in the mid-1990s. As Europe experienced an unprecedented period of economic success, great expectations and enlargement, and as it declared a commitment to common democratic values and human rights, Lukashenko rigged elections while his opponents mysteriously disappeared. The E.U. responded by suspending relations with the regime but didn’t take more serious steps such as launching investigations. Instead, the E.U. simply hoped that the next election would be fair. Popular opposition leaders Yuri Zakharenko and Viktor Gonchar were then murdered in 1999, and Gennady Karpenko died under mysterious circumstances. Each had enjoyed broad support and could easily have won against Lukashenko. As Lukashenko constructed modern Europe’s most repressive and totalitarian system, the European Union didn’t react adequately.

Europe today faces a very real crisis of values. The European Union simply does not see its mission as strengthening and developing democratic values in Europe itself, despite its declaration that the Eastern Partnership program, in which Eastern neighbors including Belarus build ties with the E.U., is a framework based on them. Instead, the program has turned out to be just another means of justifying diplomacy and trade with autocrats — including maintaining a relationship with the dictator Lukashenko by returning to a policy of “dialogue” with Minsk.

Ukrainians are rejecting their corrupt leader through their Euromaidan protests. It was encouraging to see European and U.S. politicians, such as Sen. John McCain, Polish members of the European Parliament and Swedish Foreign Minister Carl Bildt, come to the central square in Kiev to bolster them. However, strong moral support is not enough when the Kremlin has stepped in with loans and cheaper gas — not to help Yanukovych per se but to defend the model of dictatorial rule in the region.

The E.U. believes it can maintain its own institutions and values while engaging and trading with undemocratic neighbors such as Belarus, Ukraine and Russia at no political or moral cost to itself. This is a mistake. No amount of “engagement” or “realpolitik” overtures toward autocrats is going to create predictable, safe neighbors for the European Union.

It is not a question of if but when Belarusans will rid themselves of Europe’s last dictatorship and join the community of European democracies. The strategy for doing so has to be built on principles. Lukashenko must be sanctioned for the crimes he has committed, and the people of Belarus must be engaged. By supporting democratic movements, free media and freedom fighters, along with transparent cooperation and concerted diplomacy with the European Union, the Obama administration can significantly reduce this time from years to months.

 By Andrei Sannikov, Published: December 26, 2013 in the Washington Post:
 http://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/supporting-belaruss-climb-out-from-under-dictatorship/2013/12/26/54aadd60-6c08-11e3-aecc-85cb037b7236_story.html

US Santa's Present for the Collective-Farmer Dictator Lukashenko

 

Wow! Suddenly Lukashenka has got a Christmas present from none other than the US.

US Secretary of State John Carry called the violent treatment of peaceful demonstrators in Kyiv "disgusting".

The American Department of State clearly expressed its support for the people of Ukraine and their rightful demands. The world community insists that the violent crackdown on peaceful Ukrainians is investigated and those behind it are punished.

Three years after the assaults on peaceful demonstrators on December 19, 2010, mass arrests and prison terms, envoy from the same State Department of the US Eric Rubin arrived in Minsk to offer a constructive cooperation to the dictator. Moreover, he promised that the US will assist Belarus in getting new loans from the IMF, in case the situation with human rights improves - in other words, if hostage trade resumes. 

Suddenly Lukashenka has got what he has been working for since December 19, 2010: if the West resumes this kind of human trafficking, he can take new hostages and trade them for money, a scarce resource for maintaining the work of punitary institutions.

Initially, the visit of the Deputy Assistance Secretary was scheduled for October, before the summit in Vilnius. The visit was postponed in order to wait for the outcome of the summit. The rebellion in Ukraine is directly connected to the summit in Vilnius. Ukrainians do not wish to be ruled by liars and fight for their European future. Belarusians want the same. The US has shown solidarity with the Ukrainian nation, and at the same time it sent a high official to Minsk for contacts with the illegitimate powers guilty of using violence against the peaceful demonstration of December 19, 2010, as well as other crimes.

Suddenly, the dictator has got a Christmas gift from non other than the US, the leader of the free world. The Belarusian people have also received a peculiar present, right before the anniversary of the violent break-up of the Square on December 19th, 2010 when more than 700 people were arrested
 including SEVEN (!) ex-presidential candidates. One of them - Mikalai Statkevich is still in jail for nothing since that time:
 http://freebelaruspress.blogspot.com/2013/12/heating-is-turned-off-in-mikalai.html

At the end of this article I would like to remind my readers that On October 6, 2004 US Congress passed the Belarus Democracy Act of 2004 (H.R. 854)  sponsored by Representative Chris Smith (R-NJ) and others, to fund a broad range of measures to support democracy in Belarus. Although this is a beginning, the executive branch and Congress need to do more. Specifically, they should:

1. - Denounce publicly Lukashenko's violations of the constitution and electoral procedures, and the State Department should amplify its criticism of Belarus' flawed political system.

2. - Declare, with the EU, that the referendum, parliamentary and presidential elections are illegitimate if observers from the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe find election falsification or other violations.

3. - Use domestic and international law enforcement agencies, such as Interpol, in cooperation with EU members, to coordinate criminal investigations into homicides, money laundering, and illegal arms trading linked to the Lukashenko´s regime.

4. - Investigate the disappearances of Lukashenko's political opponents, provided there is a jurisdictional nexus to the U.S. and/or Europe. Both the U.S. Justice Department and its European counterparts can do so. Moreover, Europe and the U.S. could initiate criminal proceedings against those in the president's circle who ordered and participated in the murder of opposition politicians and journalists.

5. - Seize assets of Lukashenka and his inner circle through criminal proceedings against illegal arms sales and money laundering operations if Belarus violated U.S. or international sanctions. The U.S. and EU would be entitled to enforce such sanctions even if the violations did not occur in America or Europe.

6. - Fund, together with the EU, an international broadcasting operation by opposition radio and television stations from countries around Belarus, and expand people-to-people and educational exchanges.

7. - Consult with Russia regarding possible political changes that would make Belarus more democratic and predictable. Such a coordinated effort would benefit Russia by making the transit route for Russian gas to Europe less prone to Lukashenko's interference and would eliminate the need for Russia to support the Belarusian economy with subsidized natural gas at a cost of over $2 billion per year.

Almost TEN(!) years have passed since the Belarus Democracy Act of 2004 was adopted and stayed only on paper with NO or little actions. 

Meantime fascism is rising steadily in Belarus in the heart of Europe.


AS & MB

Heating is Turned off in Mikalai Statkevich's Prison Cell in December!

December 12th, 2013

Prison No. 4, Mahilou, BELARUS

Heating batteries in the political prisoner's cell suddenly broke as cold weather settled in Belarus.

Radio Racyja learnt it from Maryna Adamovich, the wife of a former presidential candidate. According to her, heating in Mikalai Statkevich's cell and two neighbouring cells hasn't been working for more than four days.

“They say it was caused by a failure. I don't know much about heating systems, but I cannot imagine that a failure can affect only three cells. Mikalai said he had received an additional blanket. But he can use it only at night. They watch him during day hours and even tried to punish him for wearing wrong clothes,” she said.

Maryna Adamovich learnt from Mikalai Statkevich's letter about regular searched in his cell, also at night, which didn't happen before.

“They try to unbalance him with these mean things,” the political prisoner's wife says.
Mikalai Statkevich was a presidential candidate in the 2010 election. He was arresred after a protest rally against the fraudulent election on December 19, 2010. More than 700 protesters, among them presidential candidates Andrei Sannikov, Uladzimir Niakliaeu, Ales Mikhalevich and their team members, were arrested.

On May 26, 2011, Minsk's Partyzanski district court sentenced him to 6 years in a medium security correctional facility. Confinement conditions for Statkevich were strengthened last year. He was transferred from correctional colony No. 17 in Shklou to prison No. 4 in Mahilou.

One of his latest letters from prison was confiscated by a prosecutor's office. As it became known later, the politician wrote that political prisoners had received rape threats.

---

 
 Mikalai Statkevich 

Mikalai Statkevich, 57, is a politician and former presidential candidate, who has been wrongfully detained as a result of his peaceful struggle for free and fair elections in Belarus. Prior to his arrest, Mr. Statkevich played an active role in Belarus’s pro-democracy political opposition.

In 1995, Mr. Statkevich became a member of the Central Rada and Executive Committee of The Belarusian Social Democratic Party and, after unification with the Social Democratic Party of Popular Accord, he became president of the newly created Belarusian Social Democratic Party. In 2003, he became the leader of the European Coalition Free Belarus, a political opposition coalition allied against Belarusian President Alexander Lukashenka.

Mr. Stratkevich was previously detained in 2005 and sentenced to three years in prison for staging public demonstrations protesting the official results of the 2004 parliamentary elections and a referendum lifting the constitutional limit on presidential terms. He was released from prison in 2007.

In 2010, Mr. Stratkevich ran as an opposition presidential candidate. Following the elections, on December 19, 2010, Mr. Statkevich joined thousands of protesters peacefully demonstrating against election fraud in downtown Minsk. Mr. Statkevich was one of hundreds of protesters arrested when police violently dispersed the protest. Following his arrest, he was placed in a KGB pre-trial prison, and later charged under Article 293.1 of the Criminal Code for “organizing mass disorder”.

On May 26, 2011, the Leninski District Court of Minsk sentenced Mr. Statkevich to six years imprisonment in a high security penal colony. At trial, no proof of violent attacks during the demonstration was presented.
At various times during his detention, Mr. Stratkevich’s communication with his family has been restricted and he has been threatened with new sanctions for violating prison rules. On January 12, 2012, a court sentenced Mr. Statkevich to even stricter confinement conditions, and he was subsequently transferred from penal colony No. 17 in Shklou to prison No. 4 in Mahilou for being a “malicious offender of prison rules”. In July 2012, he was also placed in a punishment cell for refusing to sign a confession. Mr. Stratkevich’s wife, Maryna Adamovich, attributes the tough measures against her husband to his refusal to apply for a pardon in protest of his innocence.

In December 2012, Mr. Statkevich was awarded the prestigious Willy Brandt Prize for his political courage. A number of organizations and governments including Amnesty International, the European Union, and the United States have called for Mr. Statkevich’s release.

Freedom Now represents Mr. Statkevich as his international pro bono legal counsel.
 http://www.freedom-now.org/campaign/mikalai-statkevich