A
political prisoner Aleksandr Kazulin answered questions of Austrian
newspaper "Der Standard" during a meeting with his family on May 3-5 in
Vitsebsk colony. However the interview was shortened for publication in
the newspaper. A daughter of the political prisoner Olga Kazulina gave
the Charter'97 press-center the full answers of Aleksandr Kazulin to
Austrian journalists.
- To start with, dear Mr. Kazulin, let us express our condolences to you
for the loss of your wife. So we have the first question for you: how
do you get through this terrible loss, especially considering the fact
that you are imprisoned? What gives you power?
- Faith, moral courage, knowing of the future. The two months after my wife's death was very hard time of my life.
- How do you feel in prison? What are conditions in the colony? What do you miss the most?
-
Whenever I go, I feel myself a free person. Many people who are
imprisoned are far from being free, even if they do not realize it. They
are in a spiritual confinement. The conditions are usual for a
Belarusian prison. Citizens of Western countries can hardly understand
that. If they appeared here, they would be petrified with horror. I miss
active way of living the most.
- Why haven't you accepted the offer of Lukashenko to go to Germany and
treat your wife there? In fact, that offer was permission for you to
leave the country with the aim of receiving a political asylum in the
West.
- One shouldn't judge superficially, but the real meaning of that offer
should be considered and its prehistory. In a few months before this
proposal
German Ambassador to Belarus Mr. Weiss insistently recommended
my family to persuade me to write a petition for pardon. I do not
exclude his intention was noble, and he believed my release at any cost
was the most important thing. But he was mistaken in that.
It would be
an insult of me and my family, my nation and my struggle. I stated that
before, and I state that openly now. It would have meant kneeling to a
tyrant; it would have been open treading on morals and ethics, which are
the basic things a person and a society have, and which are feared most
by Lukashenko, as he doesn't have such things at all.
Later I was offered to go to Germany.
Instead of an unconditional
release I was in fact offered a secret escape from the country or a
deportation in a beautiful disguise. Playing upon heartstrings and the
most sacred feelings, using the health of my dearly loved wife as a
smokescreen, the regime tried to trample the most valuable and sacred
things a person has, and to show once again that everything could be
sold and bought in this world.
But neither I nor my family could fall as low as that. I am saying that
aloud, as enough time has passed, but Germany does not reveal its
position as before, thought it is one of the pillars of the EU.
It is
very interesting to me what would prevail, morals, fundamental human
values, or hard pragmatism.
The future of Europe depends on that to a large extent, as in such
critical moments a true identity is unveiled. German government should
be asked about the motivation of such a proposal, and about
whom they
wanted to help, me or somebody else? By the way, Mr. Weiss came up to me
during my wife's funeral and told that things will be "all right". I wonder, what he meant by saying "right", and for whom things will come "all right"?
I hope that as me, he meant unconditional release of all political
prisoners (there are three of us again), and democratization of Belarus.
So it has happened that I have been deprived of freedom, and of the
dearest people, my wife and mother. As you understand, firstly my wife
didn't need treatment in Germany at that period, and her quick death
confirmed that. Secondly, all worldly goods and the moon were promised
to me in Germany, in exchange for not returning back to my country.
But when I chose the path of struggle, I didn't excluded imprisonment.
If my desire would be to go somewhere and not get into trouble, I would
have done that beforehand (as I had been warned about the arrest).
I am a
son of my Belarusian Nation, and I will go the way with my people, no
matter how difficult it may be. I will do that for the sake of my
country and people's future. I do not need anything personally for
myself.
- Why after the events of 2006 in Belarus Lukashenko got enraged with you in particular?
-
Lukashenko can be mad only with those who pose a real threat to him.
He knows well what I am capable of. He realizes perfectly well that he
won't beat me in any open confrontation.
- What gives Lukashenko's regime a possibility to survive after that
events and after the direct assistance of Moscow to Minsk finished?
-
But isn't it obvious that the direct assistance continues? 1.5 billion
of non-repayable credit, a gas price which is 2.5 times lower than in
Europe, interests of Russian business in Belarus are the things that are
on the surface. Besides, Europeans with their pragmatism are helping
Lukashenko.
- Is it true that life of people in Belarus ruled by Lukashenko is so
bad? In some countries of the former USSR, in Russia and Ukraine for
instance, there is an opinion that after the collapse of the Soviet
Union Belarus is the only oasis of well-being and prosperity. Who lives
really well in today's Belarus?
-
Life in Belarus is not so bad, but it is much worse than it could be
(we are not comparing our life with Lithuania and Poland, as we have a
gap between us in terms of standards of living). Life in Belarus is
already worse than in Ukraine and Russia. And from the point of view of
freedoms, rule of law and human rights, it is really as awful as you can
imagine. The current regime in fact is practically implementing
genocide against its own nation. That's why there is a proverb: "If you
want to end up in prison, go to Belarus; and if you want to get in
prison quick, go to Minsk". If you watch Belarusian TV, read state-run
newspapers, Belarus is a haven of prosperity. But in reality Belarus is a sanctuary of worm-eaten past in a bright propaganda's wrapping.
Whose life is good here? For some period it is good for some
high-ranking officials, especially those who are close to Lukashenko; to
high-ranking law-enforcers. Permissiveness and impunity are corrupting;
they create an illusion of prosperity and well-being. But none of these
people has future, and they understand that perfectly. So they are
trying to live like there is no future, and enjoy life to the full,
grabbing everything they get their hands on. None of them could be sure
for a moment he won't be imprisoned tomorrow.
- Is there an active and efficient and opposition in Belarus now? What
does the opposition offer as an alternative to Lukashenko?
- Self-consciousness of the nation is developing in Belarus. Lukashenko
is given to us exactly for a breakthrough in conscience. Opposition is
to transfigure very soon. There are all the preconditions for that.
Unlike the today's regime we offer the society not conservation of the
past, but a mighty spurt and ascension to the future.
- Do you and your associates feel support of the West? Does the world
community remember you? What could be done to support democracy in
Belarus?
- I feel support. I receive letters from almost all countries of the
world. And there are even more such letters than from Belarusians. As
for the support from the West, they should find their position and
understand that
Lukashenko is a challenge to the European civilization,
that Lukashenko is an example of a modernized fascist ideology, Hitler's
order, which had been mentioned by him as an ideal of a presidential
republic for Belarus in one of his first interviews to a German
newspaper. In fact he is realized that in practice.
An ideology of "Lukashism" is very dangerous. Europe cannot understand
that still and cannot stop flirting with Lukashenko, as it was in the
1930ies with the ominous person we all know. As soon as Lukashenko is
viewed as a challenge to the entire civilization and to all fundamental
principles of human society, only then Europeans would be able to find a
solution. Americans understood that much earlier, and now they are
following an absolutely right policy towards Lukashenko. It is possible
to talk to Lukashenko only from a position of strength. The most
important thing is that the Europeans should be consolidated, be united
and not to flirt with Lukashenko. Otherwise he will fool them again.
Besides, my criminal case has been submitted to the Council of Europe.
Mr. Van der Linden promised to carry out an independent experts'
examination. My case was submitted in November 2007, and there is no
result still (in May 2008).
In his address to the "parliament" of Belarus Lukashenko defined what
America and Europe should do. He is panicked that the EU and the US
would consolidate. That is why imposing of economic sanctions would
disarm Lukashenko completely.
He has stated directly that Europe won't impose sanctions at the expense
of their own interests (that Europeans' pragmatism would prevail).
Europe should show the Belarusians and the world that there are more
important things than economy. The humankind is rested on them. These
are fundamental values which cannot be trampled by anybody; morality,
spirituality, humanity, compassion, mercy.
